SAC Bulletin #11 (January to May, 2024)

The Taliban has imposed its own brand of sharia law that discriminates against other religions, faiths, and communities. This means other communities cannot practice their beliefs without fear of reprisals from the government, which has included arbitrary detentions, public and collective punishments, and even forced conversations from their current faith to the one practiced by the Taliban.

The past two years in Afghanistan have been marked by severe and escalating restrictions on women, minorities, civic freedoms, and human rights. The humanitarian crisis in the country remains one of the most severe in the world, and the Taliban regime remains largely unrecognised by the international community. The de facto authorities have categorically ignored their human rights obligations and continued to commit gross abuses. Given the current circumstances, the prospects for accountability remain weak.

Legal, policy or political development:

• Afghanistan’s mission in Geneva has announced that the Taliban have issued over 200 decrees that severely restrict the fundamental freedoms of the people, especially women, in the country. In response to the recent United Nations Human Rights Council meeting on Afghanistan, this mission stated on Friday, 3 May, that the Taliban have effectively removed women from public life in the country.
• In its annual report for 2024, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) asserts that religious freedom in Afghanistan has significantly deteriorated under Taliban rule. According to the commission, religious minorities in Afghanistan face threats from terrorist groups, including ISIS, and persecution by the Taliban. The report specifically highlights the Taliban’s violation of religious freedoms for Shia Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and Christians. As per the report, Hindus, Sikhs, and Christians encounter severe restrictions, including constraints on their attire and appearance, and are barred from organising public religious ceremonies. The report underscores that the Taliban persist in enforcing their strict interpretation of Sharia law, thereby infringing upon religious freedoms.
• The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan has delivered his report, which highlights systematic and widespread human rights violations against women, girls, and ethnic and religious minorities by the Taliban. The report suggests that the Taliban’s crimes against women should be examined by international courts. This report has been welcomed by several women’s movements and human rights activists.
• The shadow report on the status of human rights in Afghanistan, focusing on the period of Taliban rule from 2021 to 2023, has been prepared for the fourth cycle of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) scheduled during the 46th session, scheduled for 29 April to 10 May 2024.
• Since the third UPR cycle from May 2017 to July 2022, Afghanistan has undergone a significant transformation. The republic government has collapsed, and the Taliban regained control in Afghanistan in August 2021. Human rights are at their worst, with women being excluded from all social spheres. Extrajudicial killings, torture and ill-treatment, and arbitrary detentions have reached their peak. All of this is highlighted in the joint submission by a group of civil society organisations to Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review of the UN Human Rights Council.

The collected cases illustrate the Taliban’s ongoing violations of human rights in Afghanistan, including repression of religious minorities, restrictions on women’s rights, and confiscation of property. These actions have sparked local and international condemnation, highlighting the urgent need for protection of fundamental freedoms and human rights in the country.

Bangladesh finds itself in a precarious position in 2024, trying to find an effective political landscape that will uphold the democratic institutions as well as ensure access to justice to its citizens, including the different minority groups. The year started with an election that saw a continuation of power for the ruling Awami League. While the religious minorities have historically supported the secular-natured party, the ethnic minorities are facing challenges to establish their stake as equal rights-holding citizens of the country.

During the period from January to May 2024, Bangladesh saw cases of crackdown against ethnic minority communities in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) on alleged separatist movement, vandalism of temples of religious minorities, and a unique case of mob violence against Muslims in a minority-dominated area that resulted in the death of two people. With community tension rising all over South Asia, the election and post-election period proved to be extremely sensitive both for the religious and ethnic minorities.

While there were no reported instances of major mass violence during the period under review, Bangladesh’s minorities continued to be easy targets in localised episodes of violence and harassment. In the past, Bangladeshi Hindus have come under attack during their religious festivals and during elections. With major Hindu festivals on the anvil, starting with Durga Puja in October and Diwali in November, and national-level elections scheduled in January 2024, the potential risk of Bangladesh’s minorities being subject to violence and other human rights violations in the coming few months remains elevated. Government authorities including the judiciary are advised to act strongly and proactively to protect the rights of the vulnerable.

• On 2 and 3 April, the Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF) executed a series of bank robberies in Ruma and Thanchi Upazila of Bandarban district, during which they attacked police forces, bank security guards, and Ansar (the paramilitary force responsible for internal security) members, seizing firearms. This separatist group, based in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), was condemned by the Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission (CHTC) for these violent actions, especially as they followed closely after the second round of peace talks led by Kya Shew Hla, chairperson of the Bandarban Hill District Council. In response to the KNF’s actions, Bangladesh Army Chief General SM Shafiuddin Ahmed visited Bandarban on 7 April and announced a military crackdown on the KNF. By 14 April, media sources reported that 62 individuals had been arrested in the raids. However, many of these detainees were reported to be innocent civilians, including pregnant women, students, teachers, and government workers from the Bawm community. Additional restrictions were placed on the Jumma residents of Ruma, Thanchi, Rwangchari, and Chimbuk, including a limit on rice purchases, aimed at disrupting KNF supplies. The CHTC condemned these broad arrests and the collective punishment of the Bawm community, demanding the immediate release of innocent civilians and the cessation of such practices.This situation has triggered a range of opinions and concerns about the treatment of minorities in the CHT. The Bangladesh Student Union suggested that the KNF’s activities might have been orchestrated to justify a heightened security presence in the region. There are also claims that the KNF’s formation is part of a ‘divide and rule’ strategy by a vested interest group aiming to maintain instability in the CHT. Further reports indicate the emergence of a new armed group, the Marma Nationalist Party (MNP), allegedly supported by the same vested interests that backed the KNF. The CHTC has repeatedly expressed concerns about the support given to such armed groups, arguing that these actions obstruct the implementation of the CHT Accord and disrupt the harmony among indigenous groups. This atmosphere of distrust and anxiety highlights the ongoing challenges faced by minority communities in the CHT, who are caught between militant actions and severe security measures.

The consecration of the Ram Temple in India (see India chapter of this bulletin for details) has significantly intensified communal tensions in the region, evoking memories of the unrest that followed the Babri Mosque demolition in 1992, in whose site the temple has been constructed. This heightened sensitivity may be linked to recent temple vandalisation incidents in Bangladesh, indicating ongoing inter-community conflicts. Simultaneously, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), the government’s forceful military actions against the Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF) have sparked serious human rights concerns. These operations, aimed at combating insurgency, have reportedly led to abuses against innocent civilians, particularly from indigenous communities, exacerbating mistrust and worsening the humanitarian situation. Furthermore, the flawed democratic process in Bangladesh, characterised by political instability and a lack of genuine electoral competition, has aggravated inter-community tensions. The consolidation of power, suppression of dissent, and inadequate representation of marginalised groups have created an environment where minority rights are increasingly at risk. To address these challenges, substantial democratic reforms, a commitment to the rule of law, and the protection of all citizens’ rights are essential to prevent ongoing violence and ensure communal harmony. Whether the newly formed parliament can live up to their commitment to protecting minority rights or not remains to be seen.

During the ongoing General Election, there were multiple instances of minority voters reportedly being denied the right to exercise their franchise–in Sambhal (UP), dozens of Muslim voters alleged that they were assaulted, denied the right to vote by police personnel. In Devbhumi Dwarka (Gujarat), over 700 Muslim fishermen were denied the right to vote after their names were arbitrarily deleted from the electoral rolls.Victims of previous voter suppression methods–such as the nearly 100,000 individuals declared as ‘Doubtful Voters’ on suspicion of being illegal migrants to Assam state–also continued to be denied the right to vote.

Physical integrity rights

Arbitrary deprivation of life

During the period under review, there were at least 14 cases of arbitrary deprivation of life by state actors across the country. There were also three reported killings by suspected Hindu extremist non-state actors.

• Six Muslims shot dead by police in Uttarakhand state (8 February): Six Muslims in Haldwani district were shot dead by police whilst they were protesting against local authorities’ arbitrary demolition of a local mosque. The killings occurred shortly after the BJP-ruled state’s Chief Minister was reported to have issued ‘shoot on sight’ orders to police. The post-protest police crackdown was marked by mass arrests (officials claimed 58 arrests in total, while civil society estimates put the number at over a hundred), and reports of policemen trespassing into over 300 homes in Muslim-concentration neighbourhoods, assaulting residents, and looting property. Uttarakhand has witnessed a steady rise in communal tensions and anti-Muslim violence in recent years, with Hindu extremist groups allied to the BJP seeking to drive Muslims out and establish the state as a ‘holy land’ for Hindus.
• Continuing staged ‘encounters’ in Uttar Pradesh (UP): On 16 January, a 23-year-old Muslim man in Muzaffarnagar was shot and killed in yet another case of extra-judicial killing, allegedly staged as an ‘encounter’ (a term used for shoot-outs between police and criminals). Police forces in UP have shot and killed over 190 individuals–disproportionately Muslims–in such alleged staged ‘encounters’ since March 2017, when the BJP’s Yogi Adityanath assumed charge as the state’s chief minister. Also, during the period under review, UP police shot at and injured at least 15 Muslims, in separate incidents across the state (see map).

Other instances of deprivation of life by state actors

• Sikh farmer-protester killed by Haryana Police (14 February): At least one person was killed, and dozens injured, after police forces in BJP-ruled Haryana used excessive force against Sikh farmer-protesters demanding a minimum legal guarantee for crop prices. The protesters were reportedly targeted using batons, tear gas (allegedly delivered using drones, in the first such reported instance in the country), and proscribed pellet-firing shotguns similar to those that had previously been used only in Indian-administered Kashmir.
• 2 Kuki-Zo men shot dead by police in Manipur State (16 February): On 16 February, at least two Kuki-Zo protesters were killed and around 25 injured after police opened fire at a mob outside a police complex in Churachandpur Police claimed that they initially used tear gas to disperse the mob, which was reportedly attempting to storm the complex. BJP-ruled Manipur has been rocked by violence between members of the predominantly-Hindu Meitei community and the predominantly-Christian Kuki-Zo tribes since May 2023. Kukis have accounted for the bulk of the 215+ casualties so far. The BJP-led state government in Manipur has been openly hostile towards the Kukis, who it has deemed terrorists and drug traffickers. Occasional outbreaks of violence between armed groups continue to be reported.
• 17-year-old Dalit boy killed amid police firing in Uttar Pradesh State (28 February): A Dalit boy in Rampur district was killed amid clashes between villagers belonging to the Dalit and ‘higher’ caste Kurmi communities (who are officially designated as being among Other Backward Classes), and police. Witnesses alleged that the boy died of an injury sustained amid police firing, while police claimed that the boy was killed in cross-firing between the clashing villagers.
• Four custodial deaths: During the period under review, there were at least four reported instances of custodial death, allegedly due to torture by police personnel. Cases were reported from Uttar Pradesh (a Dalit man), Tamil Nadu (a Dalit man), Rajasthan (two men from the Dalit and OBC communities respectively)
• Deprivation of life by non-state actors: There were at least three reported instances of arbitrary deprivation of life by suspected Hindu extremist non-state actors. The victims included:
• 18 January 2024 (Morigaon, Assam): A 25-year-old Hindu man was lynched by a mob on suspicion of cattle smuggling.
• 31 January 2024 (Hyderabad, Telangana): A 39-year-old Rohingya Muslim refugee was stabbed to death by unidentified attackers.
• 27 April 2024 (Ajmer, Rajasthan): A 30-year-old Muslim imam was found bludgeoned to death by unidentified assailants inside his mosque quarters.

Arbitrary detention

In addition to the mass arrests of Muslims in Haldwani in February (referred to above in the section on Arbitrary Deprivation of Life), major cases of arbitrary detention during the period under review included:

• Mass arrests of Muslims amid consecration of Ram Temple: The consecration ceremony of the Ram Temple (see section on Freedom of religion or belief below for more) in January provided yet another pretext for authorities in BJP-ruled states to incarcerate Muslims. Arbitrary arrests or detentions were reported from Jammu & Kashmir, Telangana, Gujarat, and Maharashtra.
• Continuing criminalisation of Muslims after anti-Muslim violence: State authorities continued the trend of criminalising Muslims exclusively in the aftermath of inter-communal violence, usually initiated by Hindu extremists during religious festivals. In February, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) arrested 27 Muslims under terror charges over violence during the Ram Navami festival in West Bengal last year. This collective punishment of Muslims by authorities in BJP-ruled states has been detailed by several organisations, including Human Rights Watch.
• Continuing arrests of Christians and Muslims under anti-conversion laws: SAJC documented 38 separate instances of Christians being arrested under anti-conversion laws, including 35 in UP, two in Madhya Pradesh, and one in Gujarat, all BJP-governed states. India’s provincial level anti-conversion laws–now in place in 12 states, after being recently introduced or strengthened in several BJP states–have continued to be increasingly weaponised against Christian faith leaders as well as Muslim men accused of being in inter-religious relationships with Muslim men. In UP alone, over 855 arrests have been recorded since 2020.

Torture and ill-treatment

Major reported instances of custodial torture and other forms of ill-treatment of minorities by state actors (in addition to cases mentioned previously) included:

• The assault of a 12-year-old Muslim by inside a police station in Ranchi (Jharkhand). (3 January)
• The custodial torture of a Muslim man by police officers in Badaun (UP) after he was detained over suspicion of cow slaughter. (5 January)
• The alleged abduction and torture of a Sikh farmer-protester by police forces in Haryana. (24 February)
• The assault of Muslim worshippers by a policeman in Delhi, while they were offering public prayers by the side of a road near a mosque. (8 March)

Minorities also continued to face mob violence, and other forms of physical assault and ill-treatment by Hindu extremist groups allied to the BJP. Major incidents and trends reported during the period under review included:

• Spike in anti-Muslim violence amid Ram Temple consecration: The consecration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya (see section on Freedom of religion or belief below) provided the context for anti-Muslim incitement and violence by Hindu extremists in at least eight states, leading to dozens (if not hundreds) of injuries. The violence and authorities’ response followed the same template seen across the country in recent years: Hindu extremists, usually linked to BJP-allied Hindu nationalist groupings such as the Bajrang Dal (BD), used shobha yatras (religious ‘glory’ processions) as a pretext to shout offensive slogans–often including direct incitement to violence–at Muslim-concentration localities, sparking communal clashes. Authorities, particularly in BJP-governed states, unfairly and disproportionately targeted Muslims, portraying them as the perpetrators, and subjecting them to collective punishment in the form of mass arrests and arbitrary demolition of Muslim-owned homes and businesses. (see SAJC’s India Persecution Tracker for more)
• Multiple violent attacks on Christian Adivasis in Chhattisgarh: A series of violent attacks were reported against the Christian Adivasi community in Chhattisgarh’s remote Narayanpur district in December and January. A Washington Post investigation revealed that multiple churches were destroyed by Hindu extremists, and more than a hundred families forced to flee their homes, over two months.

Separately, SAJC documented instances of at least 51 Muslims and 24 Christians facing violent assaults by Hindu extremists across the country, during the period under review.

Incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence

India’s General Election provided the pretext for a spike in religious polarisation and anti-minority hate speech, including incitement to discrimination, hostility, and violence. The BJP’s election campaign centred around sectarian rhetoric, seemingly intended to dehumanise Muslims and manufacture fear among India’s Muslim majority.

• Leading the charge was Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who, at an election rally in Banswara (Rajasthan), was reported referring to India’s Muslims as ‘infiltrators’ and ‘those with more children’, and accusing the opposition Congress Party of conspiring to snatch wealth from Hindus and redistribute it to Muslims. Different versions of this narrative–of the opposition conspiring on behalf of Muslims–continued to be parroted throughout the election, including by PM Modi himself, as well as other senior BJP leaders, including India’s Home Minister, Defence Minister, Sports Minister, and the Chief Ministers of Uttar Pradesh and Assam. India’s election authorities failed to take decisive action, issuing only broad directives to party chiefs (including of opposition parties) instead of using their plenary powers to act against individual violators of election laws and codes of conduct.
• Other senior BJP leaders too continued to engage in dangerous rhetoric. During the period under review, SAJC documented 25 instances of ‘top level’ hate speech by elected BJP leaders, parliamentarians, and state legislators. (According to the United Nations’ Strategy and Plan of Action on Hate Speech, ‘top level’ hate speech refers to advocacy of discriminatory hatred constituting incitement to hostility, discrimination, or violence, and incitement to genocide, all of which are prohibited under international law.) Recurring figures included Members of Legislative Assembly (MLAs) Nitesh Rane, whose incendiary speeches were reported to have contributed to the eruption of anti-Muslim violence in Mumbai in January, and Raja Singh, who continues to openly advocate for violence against Muslims despite having over a 100 criminal cases registered against him.

Individual liberties 

Freedom of religion or belief

The conditions for religious freedom continued to be dire, leading the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) to recommend, once again, that India be designated as a Country of Particular Concern. Major developments and trends during the period under review included:

• PM Modi leads consecration of Hindu temple at the site of illegally razed mosque in Ayodhya: In January, 31 years after Hindu extremists led by senior leaders of the BJP illegally destroyed the historical Babri Masjid mosque that had stood in Ayodhya (Uttar Pradesh) for over 500 years, PM Modi led the consecration ceremony for a temple being constructed at the same site. The construction of the temple, formally overseen by a trust set up by the Indian government, was enabled by a Supreme Court verdict in 2019, which had ended a longstanding legal dispute by handing over the site of the demolished mosque to Hindu parties, despite also finding that the destruction of the mosque was an illegal act, and despite the absence of conclusive archaeological evidence that a Hindu temple had ever stood at the site. The ceremony marked the culmination of Hindu nationalists’ decades-long Ram Janmabhoomi (Birthplace of Lord Ram) movement, which had sought to replace the erstwhile mosque with a temple honouring Lord Ram, a deity who many Hindus believe was born at the same site. This ‘achievement’–described by PM Modi as the ‘dawn of a new era’ for India and by critics as further cementing India’s Hindu-supremacist turn–was a major poll plank of the BJP during the 2024 General Election, despite legal prohibitions on seeking votes in the name of religion.
• State-supported moves afoot to replace religious character of other historical mosques: Hindu nationalists’ efforts to ‘reclaim’ other historical mosques–despite a law that prohibits the changing of the character of any place of worship as it existed on the day of India’s independence in 1947–received another jolt in January, when a local court in Varanasi (UP), permitted Hindu litigants to offer prayers inside the seventeenth century Gyanvapi Mosque, the site of a historical dispute between Hindu nationalists and Muslims. The judge who delivered the verdict, who retired the next day, was appointed the ombudsman of a government university within a month. In December, the state High Court in UP had approved a survey of the Shahi Idgah mosque in Mathura, another site that Hindu nationalists have sought to ‘reclaim’.
• Religion-based family laws repealed and Uniform Civil Code enacted in Uttarakhand: BJP-governed Uttarakhand became the first state in independent India to repeal all religion-based family laws and enact a Uniform Civil Code (UCC). Different religious communities in India are governed by different family and personal laws that address matters of marriage, divorce, and inheritance, among other issues. While India’s constitution contains a non-enforceable directive to the state to implement a UCC across the country, such a move has so far not been pursued due to objections from religious minorities that it would infringe on their religious practices. The BJP has promised to enact a nationwide UCC if re-elected to power.

Separately, state authorities in several BJP-led states continued to target places of worship and other religious buildings of minorities in various ways, including summary demolitions of religious buildings (reported from Maharashtra, Uttarakhand, UP, Gujarat). 

Non-state actors too continued to target minority religious structures and prayer services. Major incidents included violent attack on a church in Telangana by suspected Bajrang Dal members, injuring 11, and the burning down of a Christian prayer hall in Karnataka. Both incidents were reported in February.

Denial of universal suffrage

During the ongoing General Election, there were multiple instances of minority voters reportedly being denied the right to exercise their franchise–in Sambhal (UP), dozens of Muslim voters alleged that they were assaulted, denied the right to vote by police personnel. In Devbhumi Dwarka (Gujarat), over 700 Muslim fishermen were denied the right to vote after their names were arbitrarily deleted from the electoral rolls.

Victims of previous voter suppression methods–such as the nearly 100,000 individuals declared as ‘Doubtful Voters’ on suspicion of being illegal migrants to Assam state–also continued to be denied the right to vote.

Discrimination in access to economic, social & cultural rights

The trends and violations highlighted in previous sections also continued to have discriminatory access to economic, social and cultural rights, including livelihoods and education. Additionally, there were direct attacks by state actors against minority livelihoods. Notable trends and developments during the period under review included:

• • Continuing arbitrary demolitions of Muslim homes and livelihoods as collective punishment: Authorities in BJP-governed states continued the nationwide trend of Muslims being collectively punished through arbitrary demolitions of their property, as well as arbitrary attachment of their property. In January, after anti-Muslim violence in Mumbai against the backdrop of the consecration of the Ram Temple, authorities razed at least 55 buildings in the Muslim-concentration Mira Road and Mohammed Ali Road localities, in separate demolition drives. In February, a week after the violence over the demolition of a mosque in Haldwani (see section above on Arbitrary Deprivation of Life), authorities were reported to have begun proceedings to confiscate the properties of at least nine Muslims out of 58 officially arrested. Also in February, in Alwar (Rajasthan), at least 12 houses belonging to Muslims were arbitrarily demolished by authorities over allegations that they had sold beef.In a report published in February, Amnesty Investigation documented similar punitive demolitions of 128 properties belong to Muslims that had been carried out In Assam, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi between April and June 2022, all in Muslim-concentration localities.Separately, summary mass evictions and demolitions that disproportionately impacted Muslims were reported from Mumbai, Delhi, and Lucknow, among other places.

India’s domestic mechanisms largely continued to fail to ensure accountability for these–and previous–violations against minorities. The judicial process, from filing a complaint to securing convictions and other remedies, continued to be skewed towards powerful Hindu nationalist interests, and against minorities. Victims and families seeking justice continued to be routinely harassed, and often faced retributive arrests themselves. India’s anti-terror laws, which reverse the burden of proof and allow for prolonged incarceration without trial, continued to pervert the prospects for justice. And even when India’s courts, including the Supreme Court, have attempted to step in, a sense of permissiveness and impunity have continued to prevail among state and non-state actors accused of violations. For instance, recent court directives on curbing the proliferation of hate speech have, to date, gone largely unheeded, particularly by public authorities in BJP-governed states.

Since seizing power in Myanmar’s February 2021 coup, the military junta has carried out widespread and systematic abuses. These include arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial killings, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians all amounting to crimes against humanity and war crimes. The three-year-long civil war in the country has killed almost thousands and displaced almost 2.6 million people.

Physical integrity rights

Arbitrary deprivation of life

Since the coup, the junta and the resistance forces have been clashing frequently. At present, the situation in Myanmar has morphed into a low-intensity civil war. Some of the instances are reported below:

• In an effort to repress the resistance forces, the military has increasingly directed its heavy weapons and airstrikes at towns and cities. Out of the 232 civilian deaths in January 2024, almost 145 has been due to the airstrikes and artillery attacks, with more than over fifty per cent women and children among the casualties.
• Subsequently, between 15 to 21 February 2024, almost 100 civilian deaths were caused due to arrest and killings by the military.
• Between 15 to 21 April, the junta used chemical toxic bombs in Kayin State (number of deaths unknown). Junta shelling and airstrikes also killed 25 Rohingyas in Myanmar’s Rakhine State.
• In the second week of May 2024, the junta massacred over 30 civilians from Lathtuttaw Village in Myinmu Township, Sagaing Region.

Torture and Ill treatment

• An LGBTQI+ person (name unknown) was also reported to have died due to torture by the military junta at the police station of Monywa, Sagaing Region on 24 February 2024.

Arbitrary detention

• About 30 people were detained by the junta troops on 23 May 2024, including Christian leaders and teenagers over suspicions of supporting the rebel group Kachin Independence Army.

Incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence

• Clashes between junta troops and insurgent groups in in the last week of May 2024 at Chin State displaced almost 15,000 people in two days and led to complete destruction of parts of Tedim town.

Individual liberties

 Assembly, association & expression

At present, freedom of speech is severely limited in Myanmar. Those speaking against the junta and in favour of the opposition National Unity Government (NUG) and National League for Democracy (NLD) run the risk of being harassed, abused, and punished by the authorities.

• The military regime arrested and detained several members of the Civil Disobedience Movement, including politicians, election officials, journalists, activists, protestors, and religious activists. According to the Thailand-based Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), since the coup in February 2021 to 30 May 2024, 1788 people have been killed by the junta with around 20,543 detained and sentenced. In addition to this, the targeting of activists and rights defenders has escalated in the past year. Lawyers who have attempted to represent the arrested have faced several systematic obstacles, usually imposed by the military authorities along with threats of arbitrary arrests and detention.
• Editor-in-Chief of People Media, a pro-junta news outlet was charged with defamation on 18 March 2024 after criticising the Ministry of Home Affairs.
• Nearly 5000 people were forced to flee their homes after the junta conducted raids in Monywa township in Myanmar’s Sagaing region on 19 April 2024.
• Between 22 to 30 April 2024, the junta arrested and used the local civilians as human shields in Magway Region, Kachin State, and Rakhine State.

Discrimination in access to economic, social & cultural rights

• The military’s crackdown extends beyond arrests. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners documented the seizure of a staggering 1159 civilian properties belonging to 934 individuals. These properties include houses, schools, religious buildings, and businesses. The targeted groups encompass a wide range of civilians who opposed the military regime, including strike committee members, pro-democracy activists, members of the previous government and political parties, education staff, media personnel, and even businessmen.

Other major developments

• In a move widely condemned as a violation of human rights, Myanmar’s military invoked a controversial law on 10 February 2024. The 2010 People’s Military Service Law allows forced conscription of men aged 18-35 and women aged 18-27 for up to five years during emergencies.
• Between 15 to 21 May, over 200 men from Magway Region, Yangon Region, and Shan State and 1000 Rohingya Muslim men from Rakhine State were arrested for 2nd batch of military service and ‘blackmailed’ by promising them ‘pink citizenship cards, reserved “full citizens”’. The junta also threatened to block food aid for those Rohingyas who refused to undertake military training.

At present, the situation in Myanmar seems to be extremely volatile. There is no possible end to the civil war in sight. The United Nations has warned that Myanmar stands at the ‘precipice of humanitarian crisis’ with 18.6 million people (a third of its population).

During the period under review, from January to May 2024, Nepal grappled with a range of minority rights issues, including caste-based discrimination, sustained attacks on secularism, and violations of LGBTIQA+ rights, among others.

Physical integrity rights

Right against discrimination: Despite constitutional guarantees and concerted efforts by rights activists to uplift the status of Dalits in the country, the group continues to confront discrimination and prejudice, including barriers to marrying outside their caste group. In one such incident, Sree Lal Paswan, a former Dalit resident of Morang District, Koshi Province, was arrested on charges of kidnapping—a case lodged by his own mother-in-law as retaliation for having married an ‘upper caste’ Suita Biswas.  Despite Biswas’s testimony in court that the marriage was consensual and the court granting Paswan bail, law enforcement authorities reportedly continued harassing him. Suita’s family had previously filed a child marriage case against Paswan, leading to their eloping and settling elsewhere.

Likewise, Durga Chunar, a Dalit woman from Lalitpur, has had to contend with caste-based discrimination as a result of her efforts to register her marriage with her ‘upper caste’ husband. Chunar claims that her husband cites her Dalit identity as the reason for refusing to register their 14-year marriage.

Dalit leaders themselves are also not exempt from discrimination, as evidenced by an event in Jhapa, where Somnath Portel, a CPN-UML leader who earlier served as the District Coordination Committee (DCC) chief, lodged a complaint against Dambar Giri, a former vice-chairperson of Haldibari Rural Municipality for hurling caste-based slurs during an argument.

Individual liberties

Freedom of religion: On 26 April of the year, three were arrested in Bhaktapur on charges of slaughtering a calf. In spite of being a secular nation since 2015, Nepal continues to enforce a ban on cow slaughter, overlooking the fact that beef consumption is culturally integral for many indigenous groups.

Moreover, on 8 April, the Federal Ministry of Home Affairs issued a circular directing officials to monitor the activities of foreign nationals and tighten restrictions on proselytisation in all 77 districts of Nepal.  In response, two Christian organisations released a statement condemning the government for encroaching upon the Christian community’s religious freedoms.

 Discrimination in access to economic, social & cultural rights

Economic, social & cultural rights: Barriers to economic resources continue for Nepal’s many Dalits, as is the case in Lahan Municipality, Siraha, where such communities are at an increased risk of contracting diseases like dengue and malaria owing to being unable to afford mosquito nets. To address the same, Lahan Municipality has launched a much-needed ‘One Home, One Net’ programme, through which the municipality provides underprivileged households with mosquito nets.

Similarly, modernisation within Nepal’s various industries has left a number of traditional skill-based occupations under threat of extinction. The Pattharkattas, deemed ‘untouchables’, are one such group at risk as they struggle to sustain their livelihood by continuing in their ancestral tradition of cutting stones, due in part to people’s preference for modern technology over handmade stone tools.

Nepal’s traditional nine-instrument musical ensemble (naumati baja) were only played by Dalits (Damai) during celebrations and auspicious occasions until a few years back. Several Dalit musicians had quit playing the naumati baja, partly due to the caste-based stigma associated with it. However, recently, women belonging to all caste groups have been actively involved in keeping this tradition alive. The Srijanshil Mahila Samuha is one such band which, having been tutored by Dalit musicians, has kept the art of tradition alive.

Right against exploitation and bonded labour: A recent human rights report released by the advocacy group INSEC highlights the continued existence of the haruwa-charuwa system of agricultural bonded labour—of whom a disproportionate number are Dalits—in Madhesh Province, despite the Bonded Labour (Prohibition) Act, 2002, outlawing the practice.

Other major developments

<Legal, policy or political development 1>: Since the landmark ruling from the Supreme Court ordering the Nepal government to start registering all same-sex marriages, several cases of same-sex marriage registrations have taken place.  The first legal same-sex marriage in South Asia took place soon after wherein a cis-gendered man and a trans woman were able to register their marriage legally. Similarly, a lesbian couple was also able to get their marriage registration certificate in February 2024, making it the first of its kind in South Asia.

<Legal, policy or political development 2>: Kanya Mandir Secondary School in Kathmandu has allocated a dedicated prayer space for its Muslim students so as to allow them to pray comfortably, not having to rush home for namaz and thus be able to focus on their exams. The school has also allowed them to dress comfortably in hijabs and engage in extracurricular activities without compromising their religious practices, exemplarily fostering an environment of inclusivity for its students.

<Legal, policy or political development 3>: The twelve-yearly Hindu religious fair ‘Mahakumbha Mela’ was inaugurated by President Ramchandra Paudel in April in Sunsari, Nepal. Political leaders of Nepal have been seen consistently visiting Hindu temples and inaugurating Hindu religious ceremonies in the past as well, notwithstanding Nepal’s designation as a secular state.

<Legal, policy or political development 4>: The inauguration of Ram Mandir in Ayodhya (see India section for other related developments) on 11 February has had a significant knock-on effect in Nepal, evidenced by Birgunj Sub-Metropolitan City instituting a Ram statute in its Ram-Janaki Temple and asking residents to refrain from animal slaughter and alcohol consumption on the ‘auspicious’ day. Separately, the municipalities of Kalaiya, Gaur and Janakpur urged residents to avoid consuming meat and not slaughter animals. Whereas Madhesh Province declined the Janaki Mandir Guthi’s request for a holiday, several municipalities in Kapilvastu and Sunsari districts, bordering India, declared a holiday—some openly citing the inauguration, others beneath the guise of a winter break. Similarly, on 4 January, a convoy—led by the deputy priest of the Ram-Janaki Temple—departed for Ayodhya bearing special souvenirs and was seen off by Madhesh Province Chief Minister Saroj Kumar Yadav.

<Other Development 1>:  An Amnesty International report titled No One Cares: Descent-Based Discrimination against Dalits uncovers critical challenges that Dalits, particularly women and girls, encounter in accessing justice, revealing a deep-seated distrust in the police and the broader justice system. Another such report released by the National Human Rights Commission paints a grim picture of the human rights situation of Rautes, the last nomadic group, within the country. The main issues include a lack of birth and citizenship documents, a lack of education and a general violation of the rights of children in the community. The report further recommends that the government designate a part of its territory for Raute group’s protection.

<Other Development 2>:  The first international LGBTQIA+ tourism conference was hosted in Kathmandu in April, aiming to tap into the global pink market. The conference discussed ways to attract tourists from LGBTQIA+ communities from around the world and highlighted the potential benefits of LGBTQIA+ tourism where Nepal can position itself as a safe and welcoming destination for such travellers. The LGBTQIA+ community in Nepal saw this as a valuable attempt that fosters their economic, social and cultural rights, integrating them into the national economy through economic opportunities and thus providing them with an environment of both inclusivity and empowerment.

<Other Development 3>: On 9 April, a pro-monarchy protest staged by the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), demanding that the state revert back to its Hindu roots, turned violent when demonstrators clashed with security forces, resulting in several grave injuries. In another incident, the alleged use of ‘indecent’ language against Prophet Mohammad led to a Hindu-Muslim clash in Banke District, bordering India, in western Nepal.

<Other Development 4>: On the occasion of the National Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and Untouchability in May, the Nepali Congress (NC) organised a communal feast in an effort to end caste-based discrimination and untouchability. The feast saw the participation of more than 35 ethnic groups and was prepared by Dalits and other caste groups. Initiated by the founder of the Nepali Congress, B.P. Koirala, this national day has been celebrated in Nepal in remembrance of Nepal being declared an ethnic-untouchability-free nation on 4th June 2006.

<Other Development 5>: In anticipation of the Ayodhya Ram Temple consecration (see above for related developments), Hindutva groups such as Bajrang Dal and Hindu Samrat Sena took out a procession in Harinagar Rural Municipality. In the process placing flags engraved with ‘Jai Shree Ram’ and ‘Om’ on trees and electric poles. The situation turned hostile after local Hindu-Muslim groups clashed over reports of Muslim women removing the said flags, despite no evidence to support it. To deescalate the situation, the Ward-3 chairperson called on members of both religious groups for an informal mediation, in which both groups agreed to not take matters into their own hands and to pursue legal action if evidence of wrongdoing surfaced. However, after one Jeevan Mehta, a resident of Gautampur village in Harinagar Rural Municipality, released a video on social media inciting violence, a mob assaulted him while he was dropping his sister off at her examination centre, despite attempts by police officials present in the exam centre to stop the assault. In response, the victim’s uncle and a local politician uploaded a video on social media urging members of their religious community to ‘seek revenge’. Similarly, on 5 April, the Nepal Kusuwaha Kalyan Samaj District Committee, Sunsari, made a statement regarding the incident, branding the aggressors ‘Muslim extremists’ and also criticising the police and local authorities for their inaction. They further threatened to stage an institutionalised protest if action was not taken against the culprits. On the same day, a mob of around five to six hundred vandalised the Harinagar Rural Municipality, resulting in a massive loss of property. The situation escalated, forcing law enforcement to fire six rounds of ammunition into the air after Harinagar Rural Municipality Chairperson Gafar Ansari issued a warning that the Muslim community would retaliate. To curb the growing unrest, Sunsari Chief District Officer (CDO) issued a  prohibitory order at noon the same day in all Harinagar Rural Municipality wards, as well as wards 1 and 7 of Dewangunj Rural Municipality. By then, the unrest had spread to neighbouring regions, prompting the CDO to issue an indefinite curfew in the interest of public peace and security in Harinagar, Dewangunj, Koshi and Bhokraha rural municipalities, as well as Inaruwa Municipality. When protests continued into April 6, an all-political party meeting was called, reaching a six-point conclusion that included forming an inquiry committee investigating the attack. The following day, a mediation was held under the aegis of the CDO and police chief, attended by local stalwarts. Conflict eventually ensued, with attendees’ vehicles nearly vandalised, again leading to police interference and injuring a number of people, including law enforcement officials. The situation only improved after Harinagar Chairperson Ansari issued a press release on 8 April calling for ‘peace’ and promising an independent probe into the incident.

As evident, entrenched systemic discrimination continues to pose significant barriers to ethnic, religious, gender and sexual minorities. However, some recent developments, such as the registration of same sex marriages, initiatives promoting religious tolerance and caste-based equality, represent noteworthy strides.

The first four months of 2024 has seen a slight decline in the atrocities of human rights violations against religious communities, with the National Human Rights Commission of dedicating its annual report focusing on the violence suffered by Ahmadis in Pakistan. The start of 2024 has, however, given rise to much discussion around the change of government in Pakistan and its subsequent impact on religious discrimination and persecution in terms of policy and implementation.

Physical integrity rights

Arbitrary deprivation of life

• On May 12, the family of Paria Bheel, a 15-year-old girl, was informed that she had committed suicide. The family claims that she was raped and murdered by her employers in Karachi, where she worked as a domestic worker. Paria’s family has demanded justice for her and a case has been registered against the accused under Section 302 of the Pakistan Penal Code. The Sindh Home Minister has expressed sorrow over the incident and ordered an inquiry into the matter.
• On 25 May, a devastating mob attack on two men in Sargodha’s Mujahid Colony, Lahore, has left a trail of destruction and violence, eerily similar to last year’s Jaranwala incident. The attack, which occurred in the early hours of the morning, resulted in the brutal beating of Lazar Gill, a 60-year-old Christian man, and the torching of his home and a small-scale factory. At least five others were injured in the chaos. While Sargodha police have arrested 15 individuals in connection with the incident, the community remains shaken.
• According to Father David John, a local parish priest, the violence was sparked by accusations that Lazar Gill had burned pages from the Holy Quran. However, videos circulating online showing the burnt pages are unclear and do not provide conclusive evidence of Gill’s involvement. Despite this, local mosques made announcements inciting people to gather and attack the Christian community, mirroring the events leading up to the Jaranwala incident.
• Social media videos show the mob’s brutality, with Lazar Gill seen being beaten mercilessly despite his visible injuries and distress. Another video shows him lying on the ground, lifeless and being kicked by the attackers. The mob’s religious chants and slogans only add to the horror of the scene.

Torture and ill-treatment

Farhan Ul Qamar, a 20-year-old Christian, was killed by Muhammad Zubair on 9 November 2023, in Sialkot District, Punjab Province. The perpetrator initially confessed to the crime but later retracted his confession in court. On 18 March 2024, the victim’s family was threatened at gunpoint by the alleged killer’s father, Afzal Bajwa, and six other armed Muslims, who demanded that they drop the charges. The victim’s father, Noor Ul Qamar, reported the incident, highlighting the ongoing intimidation and harassment faced by the family. This incident is a concerning

example of religious persecution and the challenges faced by minority communities in Pakistan. The threats and intimidation tactics used by the alleged killer’s family and associates aim to silence the victims’ family and prevent them from seeking justice.

Individual Liberties

Freedom of Religion or Belief

• Attack on Ahmadi communities

On February 2024, a brutal attack was carried out on the Ahmadiyya community in Bhabra district, Kotli, Azad Kashmir, as a mob of over 50 religious extremists descended upon their place of worship, wreaking havoc and destruction. Armed with hammers, shovels, and sticks, the assailants demolished the minaret and arches of the worship place, leaving the community shaken and traumatized. The attack was reportedly sparked by a local cleric’s incendiary sermon, which fueled the mob’s frenzy and hatred towards the Ahmadis. The incident is a stark reminder of the systemic persecution and violence faced by the Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan, and highlights the urgent need for authorities to take concrete steps to protect their rights and safety.

Participation

• With regards to the recent elections in Pakistan in 2024, Pakistan’s political landscape faces challenges, including the exclusion of minority groups, particularly Hindus, from the electoral process. Despite constituting a significant presence in Sindh Province, Hindus lack proper representation due to issues with voter registration, identification documents, and political party selection processes. Community leaders argue that the current representation does not adequately address issues such as forced conversion, kidnapping, and lack of educational and employment opportunities.
• The Pakistani constitution reserves seats for minority community members. However, the Hindu community disputes the accuracy of census data, claiming undercounting and discrepancies in voter registration and emphasise the need for increased representation based on population growth and advocate for addressing challenges related to healthcare, unemployment, and education.
• Activists and community members are pushing for reforms, including the rejection of the discriminatory electoral system and ensuring equal opportunities for all political parties during election campaigns. The Minorities Alliance Pakistan rallied on International Human Rights Day, highlighting the government’s constitutional responsibility to ensure fundamental rights for all citizens without discrimination.

Right to Effective Remedy

• Persecution of Ahmadiyya’s

In a recently launched report by the National Commission for Human Rights (NCHR), violent crimes and discrimination against the Ahmadis living in Pakistan has been pointed out, with the commission expressing deep concern over the increasing attacks, the desecration of Ahmadi places of worship and graveyards, and the general attitude towards the Ahmadi community at societal and state level both.

The Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan faces unprecedented legal persecution, with a staggering 765 cases filed against them for simply displaying the kalima (declaration of faith), 47 cases for calling the azaan (first call to prayer), and 861 cases for preaching. Even celebrating their own events, like the Ahmadiyya Centenary, has led to legal repercussions, highlighting the extreme restrictions on their religious freedoms. Furthermore, 334 Ahmadis face criminal charges under the blasphemy law, with entire populations, such as in Rabwah and Kotli, facing collective legal action.

The community has reported a devastating 280 deaths due to targeted violence and 415 assaults since 1984 when the government promulgated Ordinance XX which crimalised certain religious activities of the Ahmadiyyas, with 51 worship places demolished, 46 sealed, and 39 set on fire or damaged. Authorities have also obstructed the construction of 62 worship places, reinforcing institutional discrimination. Even the deceased are not spared, with 39 bodies exhumed after burial and 96 denied burial in a common cemetery. This year alone, 99 Ahmadi graves have been desecrated and damaged, emphasizing the assault on their dignity, even in death. The removal of the kalima from 64 homes and shops and 115 worship places further underscores the deep-seated discrimination and intolerance faced by Ahmadis in their daily lives.

These statistics highlight the urgent need for concerted efforts to address and rectify the systematic and grave violations faced by the Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan. Notably, most Ahmadis are victims of vigilante actions by frenzied mobs rather than due legal process, with a limited number detained in jail under the blasphemy law. 

Other positive developments

• • On 1 March 2024, the Anti-Terrorism Court in Faisalabad acquitted two Christian brothers Rocky Masih and Raja Masihof blasphemy charges that were registered against them on 16 August 2023. This accusation against the brothers led to a mob attack in Jaranwala in which over 21 churches and several homes belonging to the Christian community were set on fire. The court ruled that both brothers had been framed by two other individuals who had a personal grudge against Rocky and Raja.
  • On 1 March, Hindu school principal Notan Lal was acquitted on the appeal of a 25-year sentence that he received on 7 February 2022. Mr Lal was accusedof blasphemy by a student in 2019. The accusation led to an outbreak of communal violence in the Ghotki district in Sindh province, during which shops owned by the Hindu community were looted, the school run by Mr Lal was ransacked, and a Hindu temple was attacked. In the judgement handed down by the Sukkur bench of the Sindh High Court, the court ruled that the prosecution had failed to establish a case against Mr Lal.

In essence, Pakistan’s minority communities, particularly Hindus, face significant barriers to political participation and representation, perpetuating issues like forced conversion, lack of opportunities, and electoral deprivation. Addressing these challenges is crucial for ensuring effective governance, stability, and inclusivity in Pakistan’s political landscape.