SAC Bulletin #12 (June – August, 2024)

August 15, 2024 marked three years of Taliban in power as de facto authorities. The systematic oppression and denial of rights continue to happen against Afghanistan citizens; specifically, minority groups suffer an extra layer of discrimination.

Under the Taliban as de facto authorities in Afghanistan, the prospects for minority groups remain bleak. The ongoing increasing restriction have made people, particularly minority groups, uncomfortable and the atmosphere of fear and uncertainty is ruling the country.

During the period commencing from June to August 2024, Bangladesh witnessed major political upheaval that changed the dynamic of the political and social landscape of the country. However, the minority communities still faced continued targeted violence along with denial of economic and social rights. There were several instances of violations of individual liberties, along with threats to their religious and cultural practices. Particularly vulnerable were the Hindu, Ahmadiyya, and indigenous communities, who faced violent attacks, property destruction, and institutional discrimination.

The period between June and August 2024 has been marked by serious violations of minority rights in Bangladesh, fueled further by some fake news and exaggerations. It is yet to be seen what the aftermath of a mass uprising brings to this country and its minorities. Continued neighbourhood pressure to safeguard minority rights can bring positive changes, provided the pressure does not result in interfering internal politics.

At the beginning of the period under review (1 June – 31 August 2024), India concluded the seven-phase general election to its national parliament. When the results were announced on 4 June, the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) emerged once again as the largest party, though without a majority on its own. The BJP eventually formed the government, in coalition with other members of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) that it leads, with Narendra Modi returning as prime minister for a third consecutive time.

The BJP’s diminished position in parliament led several commentators to remark that India’s democracy had triumphed, and that a resurgent opposition—along with less-sectarian members of the NDA—would act as a bulwark against the ruling party’s majoritarian-authoritarian impulses. However, within 10 days of the results, authorities in Delhi sanctioned the prosecution of prominent writer Arundhati Roy and academic Showkat Hussain over allegedly contentious speeches they had made in Kashmir in 2010. Separately, police registered a case against three journalists relating to an incident from 2020, when they were allegedly assaulted by a Hindu mob while reporting on the mass violence against Muslims in Delhi. During the swearing-in ceremony for new parliamentarians, a BJP MP ended his oath by hailing a Hindu Rashtra (nation). Notably, for the first time ever in India’s history, there is not a single Muslim, Christian, or Sikh in the ruling alliance,

Indeed, the situation for India’s minorities, particularly Muslims, appears to have deteriorated further since June. Major abuses by state actors since the conclusion of elections have included extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, torture, arbitrary and punitive demolition or confiscation of property, and the advocacy of religious hatred amounting to incitement. Alongside, extremist Hindu non-state actors with close links to the BJP have dramatically escalated their violent targeting of Muslims: In the period under review, 12 instances of religiously motivated mob lynching were reported from across the country, resulting in 14 deaths. Hindu extremists also indulged in other forms of religiously motivated mass violence against Muslims across the country, particularly around Baqr Eid festivities (in June), and following reports of anti-Hindu violence in Bangladesh (in August).

A snapshot of major human rights abuses against India’s religious minorities reported since June 2024 follows.

Physical integrity rights

Arbitrary deprivation of life

During the period under review, there were at least six deaths that were attributable to the violent actions of state actors. Reported cases included:

• Two custodial deaths of Muslim men (Kashmir and Assam): (i) On 5 June, a 38-year-old Muslim man died while in police custody in Kashmir. The victim’s family alleged that his body bore signs of torture. A magisterial inquiry was ordered. (ii) On 24 August, a 24-year-old Muslim man died in police custody in Assam, reportedly while he was being taken to a crime scene for investigation. Police claimed that the victim, who had earlier been arrested in connection with a gang-rape case, drowned in a pond while attempting to escape.
• Two Muslim men shot dead by forest guards (Assam): On 22 June, two unarmed Muslim men were shot dead in a wildlife sanctuary in Assam by state forest guards who reportedly suspected them of being poachers. State Chief Minister Himanta Sarma claimed that the victims were trespassers who were shot in self-defence.
• Muslim woman dies of ‘panic attack’ during raid (Uttar Pradesh): On 27 August, a 55-year-old Muslim woman in Uttar Pradesh (UP) died amidst a raid being conducted at her residence by police officials. Police had reportedly received a (false) tip that beef was being stored in the premises. The woman’s family alleged that police barged into their home, ransacked the household, and misbehaved with the residents, leading her to have a ‘panic attack’ that resulted in her death. An inquiry has been ordered, and four constables were temporarily withdrawn from field duties.
• Muslim man dies after being flung into a pond by policemen (Uttarakhand): On 28 August, a 24-year-old Muslim man in Uttarakhand died after he was reportedly thrown into a pond by members of Uttarakhand Police’s cattle protection squad. Police claimed that the six-member squad was patrolling the area in search of cattle smugglers and that the victim had jumped into the pond while trying to evade them. The victim’s family has alleged that he had been apprehended and assaulted by six police officials before being flung into the pond. They have further alleged that the victim’s legs were found tied and that there were injury marks on his face. At the time of writing, the family’s attempts to get a case of murder registered had not succeeded.

Also, during the period under review, there were 12 reported instances of religiously motivated mob lynching, across six states, resulting in a total of 14 deaths. The victims included 12 Muslims, an Adivasi Christian woman, and a Hindu youth who had reportedly been mistaken for a Muslim. The suspected assailants in all cases were Hindu extremists who are alleged to have targeted the victims specifically for their religious identity. Six of the killings were carried out by ‘cow vigilantes’ claiming to work for the protection of cows that are considered holy by many Hindus. (See a full list of cases, documented by South Asia Justice Campaign (SAJC) here.)

Arbitrary detention

There were several instances of arbitrary arrest and detention of Muslims and Christians under multiple pretexts:

• 28 Muslims sent to detention camps for non-citizens: 28 Muslims, including 9 women, were separated from their families and taken to a detention camp in Assam shortly after they were declared non-citizens by a Foreigners Tribunal (FT).

In 2019, India had amended its citizenship law, fast-tracking the pathway to Indian citizenship for non-Muslim refugees from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. The law came into effect earlier this year. Subsequently, in July, the BJP government in Assam had issued a directive to border police, asking them to refer undocumented immigrants to FTs only if they are Muslims. The directive had also urged border police to ‘advise’ undocumented immigrants from other faiths to apply for citizenship under the new pathway.

• 25+ Muslims arrested or detained across the country on various pretexts: SAJC documented instances of over 25 Muslims being arrested on various spurious charges, across the country. The pretexts for these arrests included, among others, allegations of storing and selling beef, waving Palestinian flags, uploading social media posts alleging discriminatory treatment, and involvement in inter-religious relationships. (See a longer list here.)
• 59+ arrests of Christians and Muslims under anti-conversion laws: India’s stringent anti-conversion laws, which are now in place in 12 states, continued to be weaponised against minorities. SAJC documented over 59 arrests under these laws, all in BJP-governed states. (See full list here; also see the section on Religious Freedom below.

Also arrested during the period under review was Sunita Pottam, a prominent Adivasi rights activist and opponent of military presence and mining in Bastar, Chhattisgarh. Pottam was arrested over alleged links with armed militant groups. (Bastar has seen a spike in arrests of Adivasi rights defenders this year, as well as a spike in drone bombings by security forces.)

Torture and ill-treatment

Police forces in Uttar Pradesh continued their campaign of conducting seemingly staged ‘encounter’ shootings of alleged criminals, disproportionately targeting Muslims. During the period under review, UP police shot at and grievously injured at least 10 alleged ‘cattle smugglers’. The victims in each case were Muslims, who sustained bullet injuries in the leg before being ‘apprehended’ by police officials in the presence of media. (See full list here.)

Minorities also continued to face mob violence and other forms of physical assault and ill-treatment by Hindu extremist groups allied to the BJP. Major incidents and trends reported during the period under review included:

• Dozens of Muslims injured in religiously-motivated mass violence around Baqr Eid: Around Baqr Eid (17 June), Hindu extremists in four states instigated communal violence, resulting in dozens of injuries. Major incidents were reported from: Medak(Telangana, 15 June), where Hindu extremists attacked an Islamic seminary—and later a hospital that treated a Muslim patient injured in the violence—over allegations of cattle slaughter; Balasore (Odisha, 17 June), where Hindu extremists objected to animal slaughter; Nahan (Himanchal Pradesh, 18 June), where a large Hindu mob attacked several Muslim-owned shops; and in Jodhpur (Rajasthan, 19 June) that saw communal clashes over construction of a Islamic structure used for prayers.
• Dozens of Muslims injured in ‘retaliatory’ attacks following targeting of Hindus in Bangladesh: Reports of violence against Hindus in Bangladesh, in the aftermath of the student protests that had culminated in the resignation of the nation’s prime minister, resulted in ‘retaliatory’ attacks against Muslims in four states. Instances of Muslims facing violent attacks were reported from New Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Odisha, and Maharashtra.

Separately, SAJC documented instances of over 132 individuals being injured in other violent assaults by Hindu extremists, across India. India’s cow protection and anti-conversion laws, now active in 20 and 12 states respectively, continued to drive attacks against Muslims, Christians, and Dalits. (See full list here.)

Incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence

India’s general election provided the pretext for a spike in religious polarisation and anti-minority hate speech, including incitement to discrimination, hostility, and violence. The BJP’s election campaign centred around sectarian rhetoric, seemingly intended to dehumanise Muslims and manufacture fear among India’s Hindu majority.

• Between 1 May and 31 August, SAJC documented 469 instances of hate speech by senior political and religious figures. Of these, 276 (59 per cent) were reported during the 2024 general election campaigning period. Top offenders during the election period included Prime Minister Narendra Modi (61 speeches), Home Minister Amit Shah (43 speeches, as well as Yogi Adityanath (73 speeches) and Himanta Biswa Sarma (22 speeches), the state chief ministers of Uttar Pradesh and Assam respectively. None of these speakers faced any meaningful action from the police, electoral authorities, or the courts. (See more detailed coverage of the content of these election-time speeches in SAJC’s Hate Speech Monitor here.)
• While most of the BJP’s star campaigners at the national level appeared to tone down their rhetoric upon the conclusion of the general election, several of its elected legislators continued to openly incite hostility, discrimination, and violence against minorities. Raja Singh of Telangana and Nitesh Rane of Maharashtra continued to promise protection to Hindus who engage in violence against Muslims in the pursuit of ‘Hindu causes’ such as the protection of cows. In recent months, these legislators as well as the leaders of ‘cow vigilante’ groups have urged their associates to apply for gun licences en masse.
• Also noteworthy has been the continuation of anti-Muslim rhetoric by Assam Chief Minister (CM) Sarma, who has doubled down on his attacks against the state’s ‘Miya’ Muslim (Bengali-speaking) community. Since June, Sarma has engaged in fearmongering over the increase in the state’s Muslim population, blamed Muslims for involvement in ‘criminal activities’ and accused a Muslim-run university of engaging in ‘flood jihad’ and causing floods in Assam. Sarma’s rhetoric seems to be having dire consequences for the state’s Muslims. Local civil-society activists estimate that between 100 to 1000 Bengali-speaking Muslims have fled their homes in eastern Assam in recent months due to intimidation and violence.

Individual liberties

 Freedom of religion or belief

Major developments that further underlined the dire conditions for religious freedom for India’s minorities included:

• The introduction of stricter penalties for unlawful religious conversions in Uttar Pradesh. The maximum punishment for unlawful religious conversions is now life imprisonment (from 10 years previously), along with an increased fine. Bail conditions too have been made more stringent. Any person can now report violations of the law—previously, only victims or their close relatives were allowed to register complaints.

UP is one of eight BJP-governed states that have, since 2017, introduced new laws or added more stringent provisions to existing laws to regulate religious conversions out of Hinduism. These new laws, like other pre-existing laws elsewhere in the country, proscribe religious conversions by means of force, coercion, fraud, and other prohibited laws. Additionally, they have also specifically sought to leverage and fuel the ‘love jihad’ conspiracy theory—which falsely alleges a plot by Muslim men to seduce and convert Hindu women to Islam en masse—by introducing restrictive conditions on inter-faith marriages. Conversions to Hinduism are specifically kept out of the ambit of these laws. India’s Supreme Court is yet to hold substantive hearings on the constitutional validity of the newly enacted anti-conversion laws, all of which have been challenged on various grounds, including for infringements of the rights to privacy and freedom of religion.

• Statements by Assam CM Himanta Sarma that his government too plans to enact a law to address ‘love jihad’, by imposing life imprisonment for individuals found guilty of coercing someone into marriage with the intent of religious conversion.

Additionally, Sarma has also announced plans to introduce a new domicile policy, restricting eligibility for government jobs only to individuals born in Assam. Sarma also plans to introduce regulations requiring the CM’s consent for land transactions between Hindus and Muslims. While portrayed as measures to protect the interests of the indigenous Assamese population from uncontrolled demographic change, these moves are widely seen as singling out the state’s Bengali-speaking Muslim community, against whom Sarma has also escalated hateful rhetoric.

• Attempts by the BJP-led central government to amend the Waqf Act, which regulates properties donated by Muslims for religious, educational, or charitable purposes. Currently, each state has a Waqf Board responsible for managing such properties. The proposed amendments seek to give the government greater overall control over Waqf Boards and could potentially enable the state takeover of Waqf properties. The amendments are now under the consideration of a joint parliamentary committee.

Economic, social, and cultural rights

The trends and violations highlighted in previous sections also continued to have discriminatory impacts on minorities’ access to economic, social, and cultural rights, including housing, livelihoods, and education. Additionally, there were direct attacks by state actors against minority livelihoods. Notable trends and developments during the period under review included:

• Continuing arbitrary demolitions of Muslim homes and livelihoods as collective punishment: Authorities in BJP-governed states continued the nationwide trend of Muslims being collectively punished through arbitrary demolitions of their property, as well as arbitrary attachment of their property. Among those targeted since June was opposition politician Haji Shahzad Ali, whose house was demolished by authorities after he was accused of leading a protest against an anti-Muslim hate speech made by a local Hindu monk. Pretexts in other cases involved allegations that the victims were involved in, inter alia, cow slaughter, religious conversion, and other crimes against Hindus. (See a longer list of 12 such cases here.)

Separately, summary mass evictions and demolitions that disproportionately impacted Muslims were reported from Uttar Pradesh and Assam, displacing tens of thousands of residents.In September, while hearing pleas from two Muslim men seeking remedy for the punitive demolition of their homes, the Supreme Court announced its intention to frame uniform, pan-India guidelines for demolitions of ‘illegal constructions’.  

• Authorities in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand order eateries to display names of owners, endangering Muslims: Ahead of the kanwar yatra, an annual Hindu pilgrimage, authorities in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand issued directives to eateries and other business establishments along the pilgrimage route to prominently display the names of their proprietors and of those working for them. The directives, which were justified as measures to ‘avoid confusion’ among the pilgrims and to maintain law and order, drew criticism for enabling the easy identification of establishments owned and operated by Muslims.The orders were first issued by police in Muzaffarnagar district, UP, and reiterated by the office of the UP Chief Minister. Subsequently, police authorities in Uttarakhand too announced similar measures. Media reports revealed that the orders were being coercively implemented against Muslims. Muslim shopkeepers in multiple districts alleged that they were coerced by the authorities into signing documents stating that they were consensually vacating their shops. There were also allegations that Muslim employees of Hindu-owned eateries in some districts were ordered by police to be dismissed for the period of the yatra. While the directives were later temporarily stayed by the Supreme Court, Hindu extremists in several locations managed to circumvent the Supreme Court order, getting Hindu shopkeepers to display nameplates, effectively enabling the identification of Muslims.

 There were also multiple reported instances of members of minority communities, particularly Muslims, facing discrimination from non-state actors. These included objections from Hindu residents to Muslims purchasing homes in their neighbourhoods (in Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh) and instances of discrimination and harassment faced by hijab-clad Muslim girls (in Mumbai, Uttar Pradesh and Telangana) at educational institutions. In another widely-reported case, a 7-year-old Muslim boy was expelled from a private school in Uttar Pradesh, reportedly after he carried non-vegetarian food to school.

Since the 2024 general election, India’s newly rejuvenated political opposition is undeniably stronger than it was before. Problematic laws are no longer being steamrolled through parliament without a debate, and members of the opposition are no longer being summarily suspended or dismissed. Unlike earlier, India has a Leader of Opposition who has begun speaking forcefully, including about the targeting of minorities. However, regardless of these positive developments, India’s domestic mechanisms largely continued to fail to ensure accountability for the violations detailed above. The judicial process, from filing a complaint to securing convictions and other remedies, continues to be skewed towards powerful Hindu nationalist interests, and against minorities. India’s anti-terror laws, which reverse the burden of proof on the accused to prove their innocence and allow for prolonged incarceration without trial, continue to pervert the prospects for justice. And even when India’s courts, including the Supreme Court, have attempted to step in, a sense of permissiveness and impunity have continued to prevail among state and non-state actors accused of violations

During the period under review, from June to August 2024, there was a significant decline in the rights of Dalits, indigenous peoples, and religious and LGBTQIA+ minorities. This included ongoing assaults on their physical integrity and civil and political rights, as well as infractions on principles of inclusion and participation.

Physical integrity rights Right against caste-based discrimination: Dalit women politicians in Nepal continue to experience caste-based discrimination at the local government level. While the mandatory provision of one Dalit woman member in ward committees has increased Dalit representation to address caste imbalance in governance, they continue to face caste-based discrimination; their agendas are unheard and they are excluded in planning, budgeting, and programme implementation. Similarly, a study report published by the Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO) in June revealed that Dalit women in inter-caste marriages are subjected to several forms of violence. Social stigmatisation, legal complications, prevalent domestic violence, physical abuse, and mental torture they encounter underscores entrenched caste discrimination. The study also illustrates that legal recourse is inadequate, with most of the cases involving both type of marriages, ‘higher caste’ female marrying with the ‘lower caste’ male and ‘lower caste’ female marrying with ‘higher caste’ male remaining unresolved or poorly addressed. Right against discrimination: Despite the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in June of 2023, which paved the way for same-sex marriage registration, numerous legal challenges persist. These challenges include difficulties faced by transgender individuals in obtaining citizenship that reflects their preferred name and gender. Similarly, Madhusha and Lorax’s stories mirror those of many same-sex couples who due to cultural and institutional prejudice, continue to encounter legal barriers to marriage registration. In another example, Khusbu Chaudhary, a transgender lady, was harassed and beaten by the ward chairperson and his son in Khadak Municipality, Saptari District, after she and her mother got into a minor disagreement about her gender. She has taken legal action against the two parties involved. Individual liberties Freedom of religion: Recently, in Dhangadi in western Nepal, authorities partially demolished a building used by the South Korean Protestant group, Nepal Life Word Mission, citing it as an ‘illegal structure’ lacking proper approval, violating a 35-day notice norm for illegal structures. Incidents like this are part of broader tensions and legal challenges facing Christian groups in Nepal. Hindu nationalist forces from India are frequently active in Nepal—be they political or religious leaders like Acharya Dhirendra Shastri or Guru Kalidas Baba. On a recent visit to Pashupatinath temple to participate in a month-long kotihom (a sacred ritual offering), Guru Kalidas Baba criticised Nepali leaders for promoting secularism. As a staunch advocate for re-establishing Nepal as Hindu nation, he expressed his sincere resolve to fight until his last breath with his slogan ‘नेपाल आमा के भन्छिन्, हिन्दु राष्ट्र लेउ भन्छिन्, धर्म निरपेक्षता चाहिँदैन ,गाई काट्न पाइँदैन’, which can be translated as ‘Mother Nepal calls for Hindu nation; don’t need secularism; can’t slaughter cow’. (See below for related additional developments.) Discrimination in access to economic, social & cultural rights Economic, social & cultural rights Despite legal provisions guaranteeing land and housing rights for marginalised groups, enforcement remains inadequate, with forced evictions leading to loss of livelihood and homes. In various parts of Nepal, flood victims and landless minority groups have faced severe disruptions as authorities demolish their settlements. Other major developments Legal, policy or political development 1: According to the 2021 National Population and Housing Census results, 13.2 per cent of the nation’s population are Dalits while Muslims comprise 4.86 per cent of the population.  However, KP Sharma Oli’s newly formed federal cabinet lacks adequate representation from Dalit and Muslim communities, with only a single Dalit minister—a female—serving as the State Minister for Forests and Environment. In this context, MP Vishnu Bahadur Vishwakarma, in addressing the parliament on August 18, criticised the government of neglecting Dalits by appointing them as ministers without real authority, stating that these positions cannot do much to address the community’s needs and problems. Legal, policy or political development 2: Inter-caste marriages, especially between Dalits and non-Dalits, face significant hurdles in the country as evidenced by Nabaraj BK incident in the past. As such, Bharatpur Metropolitan City in Chitawan District has been offering cash reward of NPR 100,000 (approx. USD 900) for the past four years to couples in inter-caste marriage in an effort to combat caste-based discrimination. This year too, on 9 June, 10 inter-caste couples were offered this cash award. Positive developments Celebration of Pride Month by LGBTIQA+: During the period under review, Nepal held pride parades in various places, including Kathmandu, where a notable event took place during the Gaijatra festival in August, with significant participation from gender and sexual minorities. Since many from the queer community still encounter discrimination, lack of family support and exclusion from funeral rites, Blue Diamond Society and Right Here Right Now organised a parade to honour individuals who faced rejection even in death. The event culminated in a candle lighting ceremony at Basantapur Dabali, highlighting the need for greater inclusivity in Nepali society. Sacred space for Dalits at Pashupatinath: The month-long kotihom at Pashupatinath (also see above) marked a historic moment on 9 July when Krishna Damai, a Dalit scholar, was given the opportunity to deliver a sermon during the sacred sacrificial ritual. This reformative step challenged traditional caste boundaries and can be considered progressive against caste untouchability and social discrimination. Despite some backlash, public reception was largely positive. Despite notable initiatives such as pride parades and the historic participation of a Dalit scholar in previously restricted religious activities, discrimination and prejudice continue to undermine the rights promised to minority groups and pose ongoing threats to their well-being.

The time period covered in this bulletin looks at the rising trend of violence against minority communities and lack of adequate response by the state. Incidents of state pressure and backlash against ethnic minorities have also resulted in escalated violence in some provinces.

Physical integrity rights

Arbitrary deprivation of life

• Discrimination and violence against Ahmadis: There has been a significant increase in violence and discrimination against the Ahmadiyya community in Pakistan. A team of independent experts for the UN has noted incidents such as extrajudicial killings, attacks on places of worship, arbitrary arrests, and detentions. For instance, two Ahmadis were killed extrajudicially in Saad Ullah Pur on 8 July 2024, and the president of the Bahawalpur Ahmadiyya Muslim Community was murdered earlier in the year. There were also reports of Ahmadi worshippers being arrested and detained to prevent their participation in religious activities, including during their holidays. The UN experts have urged Pakistan to repeal or amend blasphemy laws that contribute to this hostile environment and called for the protection of Ahmadi places of worship and cemeteries from attacks and vandalism​.
• Mob violence and lynching: On 20 June 2024, in the Madyan area of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Swat district, a mob lynched a man accused of desecrating the Quran. Despite initial police intervention, the mob forcibly took the suspect from police custody and proceeded to kill him, demonstrating the power of mob violence driven by accusations of blasphemy. This incident underscores the deep-rooted issues of mob vigilantism and the misuse of blasphemy accusations in Pakistan. It also illustrates the challenges of law enforcement in preventing such incidents and protecting those accused of blasphemy.​
• BLA’s attacks: The recent series of attacks by the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) in Pakistan’s Balochistan province marks a significant increase in violence, resulting in at least 38 fatalities. Historically, the BLA has attacked security personnel and civilians, including Chinese nationals. There is a direct connection of such attacks and tensions in Balochistan with the inter-ethnic strife across Punjab and Balochsitan, this also exacerbates the conflict and violence with Hazaras who then face clamping down by the state and other establishments. Other innocent marginalised citizens also are directly and indirectly affected.

However, this is the first instance of simultaneous attacks occurring within hours. One particularly shocking incident involved the execution of 23 Punjabi passengers. They were shot dead after taking them out from a civilian bus. In Kalat district, 140km (87 miles) south of the provincial capital Quetta, armed fighters targeted law enforcement personnel, killing at least 10. In Bolan district, southeast of Quetta, six people were killed overnight, including four from Punjab. The Pakistani military, in its statement, said that another five security personnel—14 in all—were killed across the attacks.

Other major developments

 Legal, policy or political development 

• Blasphemy laws and legal reforms: In response to the ongoing violence and discrimination against religious minorities, the Pakistan National Assembly adopted a resolution on 23 June 2024, urging the government to ensure the safety and security of all citizens, including religious minorities. However, experts argue that these efforts will remain ineffective unless there are structural changes, including the repeal or amendment of discriminatory blasphemy laws. These laws are seen as a key driver of violence and discrimination against Ahmadis and other minority groups.​

These incidents reflect a broader atmosphere of intolerance and the need for comprehensive reforms to address the underlying causes of religious discrimination and extremism in Pakistan. They also highlight the importance of safeguarding minority rights, promoting social cohesion, and upholding the rule of law.

The bulletin highlights significant issues of human rights violations from June to August 2024. The nation has faced a series of critical challenges, including controversial statements by public officials, ongoing debates over freedom of religion and expression, and prevalent struggle for gender and minority rights over the past three months. Also, the various concerns of equality and justice were brought to the forefront.

Physical integrity rights

Arbitrary deprivation of life

• On 15 July, the media reported that the chief government whip, Prasanna Ranatunga, who is also a convicted criminal, praised the extrajudicial killing of criminals. He stated in parliament, “I’m saying they (alleged criminals) should be killed. I’m saying this publicly”. The media criticised him for normalising extrajudicial killings.

Individual liberties

Freedom of assembly, association and expression

• Stand-up comedian Nathasha Edirisooriya and the owner of the ‘SL VLOG’ YouTube channel Bruno Divakara were released from the case filed against them for allegedly making controversial statements on Buddhism.
• On Monday, 22 July, the Cabinet approved publishing the draft Bill of the amended Online Safety Act 9 of 2024 in the government gazette notification and presented the same in parliament for approval. It was rushed through despite criticism of the Bill on the grounds that it affects free speech and will destroy democracy.
• On 18 August, it was reported that a group of Tamil journalists from the Northern Province were denied the opportunity to hand over a letter recently to President Ranil Wickremesinghe calling for justice for their slain colleagues.

Religion or belief

• On 26 June, it was reported in the press that President Ranil Wickremesinghe apologised to the nation for the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration’s decision to impose forced cremations during the COVID-19 pandemic. The cremation policy affected Sri Lanka’s Muslim community deeply, and the government’s insensitive stance was internationally condemned.
• Civic groups believe that the apology alone is inadequate and wants more action. It is commonly believed, and a matter of concern, that the policy was rescinded because it affected the longstanding ties with the Middle-East States and other OIC members.

Consequently, President Ranil Wickremesinghe announced that he will establish a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC), in consultation with other party leaders, to investigate into the accountability of those who recommended the forced cremation of Muslims and other religious groups during the Covid-19 outbreak.

• Stand-up comedian Nathasha Edirisooriya and the owner of the ‘SL VLOG’ YouTube channel Bruno Divakar were released by the Fort magistrate from the case filed against them for allegedly making controversial statements on Buddhism. On the one hand, their arrest was regarded as violating their freedoms of expression, including artistic expression, but on the other hand, their comments are also regarded as possibly hurting religious sensibilities of another religious group.

Right to a fair trial

• The Committee for Protecting the Rights of Prisoners (CPRP) condemned the police for enabling the conduct of a trial by media when they questioned a murder suspect inside a police station in the full glare of the electronic media. The case in question involved the murder of “Club Wasantha”, a high-profile business man connected with the underworld and it gathered a great deal of public interest.
• The Minister of Justice Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe P.C. also strongly criticised the Sri Lanka Police Department for releasing video footage of a suspect arrested in connection with the shooting. The Sri Lanka Police came under more criticism for allowing the media to access and to release sensitive information relating to the assassination of the night club owner – Club Wasantha – who was killed on 8 July 2024. The confession made by the owner of the tattoo shop was released to the media, in violation of the standards for protecting evidence.

Links between politics and crime raise accountability issues

• The coverage revealed the nexus between Sri Lanka’s underworld and politicians. The media reported that the enormous profits from these illegal activities are often laundered through legitimate businesses accompanied by rampant tax evasion with resources siphoned-off.
• On 24 July 2024, the Supreme Court issued an interim order restraining Deshabandu Tennakoon from functioning as the Inspector General of Police (IGP). He was convicted of violating constitutional rights such as equality before the law, equal protection of the law and also of human rights violations, arresting a person and holding him in custody without producing him before a judge as per legal procedures. The president delayed responding to the ruling leading to a stand-off with the Supreme Court.

Discrimination in access to economic, social and cultural Rights

Right to education and right to religious beliefs

• Government officials in Sri Lanka are withholding exam results from 70 Muslim women and girls because their head coverings allegedly covered their ears while they took their exams. The government officials claimed that they were ensuring fairness and transparency – protecting against unauthorised devices being used by the candidates in their ears.

However, activists noted that the girls had worn the head shawl in such a way that their ears could be easily visible, and yet they were penalised. They asserted that this was a part of the anti-Muslim rhetoric that was being perpetuated, not just by the Sinhala Buddhist majority but also by the Tamil community subjecting Muslim girls to harassment for dressing differently and in ways that they believe are expressions respectful of their faith.

The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL), followed a suo motto inquiry into the incident and stated that the covering of the head is protected under the right to be freedom of religion and the girl’s right to education was violated.

Right to land

• The allocation of land in the Northern and Eastern Provinces remain sensitive issue for the Tamil and Muslim minorities. The Provincial Councils do not function as the government has not held elections to them, and thus the minorities do not have elected representatives to defend their rights at the Provincial Councils. Mega development projects in the Northern and Eastern Provinces are proposed without consulting local stakeholders undermining the land rights of the minorities.

Furthermore, Human Rights Watch noted that the Sri Lankan authorities are conducting a campaign to redesignate Hindu religious sites and other properties as Buddhist sites. These actions are denying Hindus and other religious minorities access to places of worship and undermining the rhetoric that the government is committed to reconciliation.

Gender equality

Although women have high rates of literacy in Sri Lanka they remain under-represented in the political arena and in the justice sector. They also face harassment and violence.

• Allegations were made by a female member of parliament from the opposition that the senior additional solicitor general Ayesha Jinasena was overlooked for post of acting attorney general due to gender bias. Sri Lanka has yet to appoint a woman to this senior position, i.e., attorney general, and there were high expectations that she would be appointed given that she was established within the department.

However, there have been some positive developments too. The Justice Ministry indicated intent to amend Penal Code to combat sexual harassment and this was followed by the Cabinet stating it backed new plan to address sexual and gender-based harassment. The Cabinet has approved a new national action plan aimed at addressing sexual and gender-based harassment in Sri Lanka, proposed following an evaluation of the initial plan implemented from 2012 to 2020.

• The Cabinet approved the second multi-sectoral national action plan II (2024 – 2028) for elimination of sexual and gender-based harassments in Sri Lanka, which was prepared in consultation with stakeholders.
• The presidential election was held in Sri Lanka on 21 September 2024, and once again Sri Lanka has seen a male-dominated race with no female candidates stepping forward to contest. However, the election resulted in Anura Kumar Dissanayake, the candidate from the National People’s Party (NPP) being elected and he appointed Dr. Harini Amarasuriya as the Prime Minister. She is the third female to hold this position and the first female who does not come from a political dynasty to hold this position.

LGBTQI+ Rights

• The Gender Equality Bill fails to pass: The Gender Equality Bill was presented by the Women, Child Affairs and Social Empowerment Minister on 9 May of this year to promote and facilitate gender equality and to improve the status of men, women, and transgender minorities by supporting measures to identify and eliminate systemic causes of gender inequality in policies, programmes, and services. The Supreme Court (SC) determination of the Bill as unconstitutional has left the public confused as to whether Sri Lanka though its constitution and laws protects gender equality and prevents discrimination on grounds of gender and sexual orientation. The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) formally and in writing requested the Minister of Justice, Prison Affairs, and Constitutional Reforms Ali Sabry P.C, urging the government to support the de-criminalisation of same-sex relations. iProbono Equality Director Aritha Wickramasinghe and Women’s Solidarity Network Executive Director Satya Ramanayaka commented on how the Gender Equality Bill could have helped the LGBTQIA+ community as laws are needed to eradicate systematic inequalities.
• Vulnerability of LGBTQI communities: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) persons in the hill country-based Malaiyaga community asserted that they do not have adequate access to support mechanisms in cases of harassment based on their gender identity and expression and also sexual orientation. The National People’s Power (NPP) Opposition Parliamentarian Dr Harini Amarasuriya stated that their Party will support the private member Bill tabled by Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna Government MP Premnath C. Dolawatte to decriminalise same-sex relationships under the Penal Code.
• Anti-‘conversion therapy’ Bill fails to pass: Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Opposition Parliamentarian Rohini Kumari Wijerathna Kavirathna criticised the government for its alleged lack of support in advancing her Private Member Bill aimed at banning conversion therapy in Sri Lanka. Conversion therapy is considered by some to be an alternative psychiatric practice aimed at ‘correcting’ an individual’s sexual orientation or gender identity but conversion therapy is seen as a pseudoscientific and harmful practice.

Malaiyaga Tamils

Right to livelihood, right to dignity

• No living wage: Amidst the ongoing tussle between the government and plantation companies regarding increasing estate sector wages, the situation of the workers themselves remains unresolved. Although the living wage is established, the Malaiyaga continue to receive less than a living wage. Plantation companies claim that higher wages make the plantation economy uncompetitive and unprofitable. Around the 14 August 2024, the Wages Board issued a Gazette notification, fixing Rs. 1,350 as the daily wage and a productive incentive of Rs. 350 for tea and rubber sector workers. Twenty-one companies had sought the court’s intervention regarding the gazette notification claiming they were not consulted in the process of increasing the wages. The order was issued by a three-member Supreme Court bench consisting of Justices Gamini Amarasekara, Kumuduni Wickramasinghe and Janak de Silva.
• In July, the Labour Minister Mansuha Nayakakkara’s Gazette notification to increase daily wages of the plantation workers to Rs 1,700 has been put on hold by the Supreme Court. The Court issued an interim injunction on implementing the Gazette on the grounds that plantation companies, too, should be given a hearing about the possibility of making the payment.
• Estate workers staged protests outside the residence of billionaire businessman Dhammika Perera, the Tea Planters Association, and the Ministry of Labour on 9 July 2024. They demand an increase in their daily wages. The Supreme Court was due to hear the case filed by the Planters’ Association of Ceylon (PAC), on 2 September 2024, appealing the gazette, which increased the daily wage for plantation workers to Rs. 1,700.

Housing:

• The President issued a notification to the legal draftsman to formulate a draft bill to amalgamate estate houses and line rooms available in estate areas and create villages and it was approved by the Cabinet on 10 July 2024. The resolution aims at treating those living in estate areas with dignity and respect, recognising them inhabitants of villages and not merely as labour on plantations.
• The President and national policies Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe sought to identify areas occupied by plantation workers on state-owned plantation lands managed by the State Plantations Corporation (SPC) and regional plantation companies (RPCs), and draft legislation to formally designate these areas as new settlement

Right to dignity:

• In the estate sector, political parties contesting the upcoming presidential election are distributing artificial toddy to attract plantation workers to their rallies, we are told. The Election Commission is reported to have received a formal complaint to that effect.
• On 7 August , Mano Ganesan, MP from the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA), reported that they want to remove the label  ‘Indian Origin’ from upcountry Tamils. He asserted the community want to be recognised as Sri Lankans and not as Indian Origin Tamils. While the community is of recent Indian origin, they want to move away from that past and be recognised and accepted as Sri Lankans

Other major developments

• Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act

As of 28 July 2024, the long-awaited amendments to the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (MMDA) were placed with the Attorney General (AG). Muslim women’s rights activists have been demanding a comprehensive reform of the MMDA, but they are anxious about the multiple delays and the lack of transparency associated with progressing this key piece of legislation. Muslim women’s groups have declared that they are not ready to accept ‘piecemeal’ reforms.

• Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)

On 19 June 2024, The Core Group on Sri Lanka at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) urged the government to ensure that transitional justice process progresses and that the transitional justice mechanisms remain independent, inclusive, impartial, transparent. They further urged that the mechanisms should meet the expectations of the affected communities. As a first step, the Interim Secretariat for Truth and Reconciliation Mechanism (ISTRM) has launched its official website, aiming to address post-conflict grievances and facilitate reconciliation and sustainable peace in Sri Lanka.

While there have been praiseworthy efforts towards reconciliation, the normalisation of extrajudicial killings, restrictions on freedom of expression and ongoing marginalisation of minorities underscore the need of robust commitment to human rights in Sri Lanka.