SAC Bulletin #10 (11 June to 10 September, 2023)

During the period under review, there were three major episodes of anti-minority mass violence:

• Sporadic outbreaks of ethnic violence continued to be reported from Manipur. The violence has disproportionately impacted members of the predominantly Christian Kuki tribes, who have accounted for most of the approximately 160 deaths recorded so far. The BJP government in the state, which has branded the Kukis as illegal immigrants, is accused of fomenting and facilitating the violence. Evidence of widespread gang rape and other forms of sexual violence, previously unreported due to the prolonged internet blackout in place in the state, was uncovered. The ethnic division of Manipur’s population is now all but complete, with the predominantly Hindu Meitei tribes remaining in the valley region, while the Kukis have been exclusively relegated to the surrounding hill regions. A group of 18 independent UN experts expressed alarm at the continuing abuses in the region.

• In Haryana, Muslims faced mass violence from armed Hindu extremist groups, resulting in five deaths and widespread destruction of property. The violence erupted after a provocative rally called for by BJP allies Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal (BD) – and promoted by a Hindu extremist accused of the murder of two Muslim men – in Nuh district came under attack. In the Hindu extremists’ violent retaliation, two Muslims including a 19-year-old cleric were murdered, and two mosques were burned down along with dozens of Muslim-owned properties. The violence, which soon spread to nearby districts, resulted in over 3000 Muslims fleeing their homes, including in Gurugram and New Delhi. Later, the BJP-led state government in Haryana continued the trend of inflicting collective punishment on Muslims, summarily demolishing over a thousand Muslim-owned houses and businesses. Mass arrests too were reported, also overwhelmingly of Muslims. Also among those detained were Rohingya Muslim refugees, including children.The tensions in the Haryana-Delhi region also had ramifications elsewhere in the country. For instance, a village in Madhya Pradesh was reported to have barred entry to Muslim and Christian traders, in the aftermath of the Nuh violence.

Other instances of arbitrary deprivation of life reported during the period under review included:

State actors

• In July, aboard a moving train in Maharashtra, a Hindu railway policeman shot dead three visibly-Muslim passengers, after killing his Hindu superior officer. In a video captured during the incident, the policeman was seen referring to the media’s portrayal of Muslims as being loyal to Pakistan, and praising Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi and Uttar Pradesh (UP) Chief Minister (CM) Yogi Adityanath. The police initially refused to record the killings as hate crimes, despite the perpetrator’s history of harassing and threatening Muslims.

• Separate instances of custodial killing of Muslim men were reported from Jharkhand (17^th July), Rajasthan (20^th July), and Delhi (23^rd July). In Uttar Pradesh’s Baghpat district, a Muslim man died shortly after he was released from police custody. In each of these cases, the families of the victims have alleged that the deaths occurred due to torture by police authorities.

Non-state actors

• The trend of minorities being arbitrarily deprived of their life by Hindu nationalist non-state actors also continued. Instances of lynching and other similar forms of mob violence by Hindu extremist cow ‘vigilantes’ were reported from Nashik (Maharashtra – two separate incidents on 8^th June and 24^th June), Saran (Bihar – 28^th June), Morigaon (Assam – 25^th July), and Hojai (Assam – 13^th August). Other lynching killings of Muslims were reported from Sitapur (UP – 18^th August, following an allegation of an inter-faith relationship), and Ramgarh (Jharkhand – 22^nd August).

Instances of arbitrary detention, in addition to those referred to in previous sections, included:

• The continuing detentions of Christian pastors across the country for allegedly facilitating religious conversions. A Christian advocacy collective documented at least 63 instances of criminal proceedings being initiated against Christians since January, 2023, with 35 pastors remaining under incarceration.
• The arrest of eight Muslims (out of 10) for a social media post that allegedly sparked communal tensions in Patan (Gujarat).
• The detention of a 14-year-old Muslim boy for a social media post in which he allegedly glorified Aurangzeb, a Muslim king who ruled over much of India during the Mughal era.

Instances of minorities being subject to torture and other cruel or degrading treatment by state actors included, besides torture entailed in custodial killings by police and lynchings by Hindu vigilante groups:

• The assault in public of a Muslim cleric by police officers in Bhatkal (Karnataka) in June, and
• The public flogging of several Muslim men by police officials in Junagadh (Gujarat), during a protest against the proposed demolition of an Islamic shrine.

Numerous instances of religious minorities facing physical attacks by non-state Hindu extremist actors were also reported. On multiple occasions [as in Bhubaneswar (Odisha), Bulandshahr (UP), Alwar (Rajasthan), Bhiwara (Rajasthan)], Muslims were assaulted and forced to chant Hindu religious slogans. Common among the list of perpetrators were alleged members of Bajrang Dal, as was the case in Khandwa (Madhya Pradesh), Solapur (Maharashtra), and other locations. And in an incident that shocked many, a 7-year-old Muslim student in Muzaffarnagar (UP) was assaulted by his classmates, one by one, at the behest of their teacher, who was seen on video referencing the child’s religious identity while directing the assault. Later, local police registered a case against a prominent fact-checker after he shared the video.

With several crucial state-level elections scheduled in the coming months, and the national election in 2024, Hindu nationalists have kept communal tensions boiling, resorting to anti-minority rhetoric often amounting to direct incitement to violence, hostility, and discrimination, particularly in regions where the BJP stands to gain electoral benefits from religious polarisation

• After online rumours began in Uttarakhand in May about an allegation of ‘love jihad’ (a debunked conspiracy theory alleging a large-scale plot by Muslim men to seduce and convert Hindu women, and recruit them to terror groups), Hindu extremist groups began a campaign of ethnic cleansing against local Muslims. Muslim-owned properties were marked and attacked, and posters were put up threatening Muslims to leave the area. The rampant incitement and violent attacks on Muslim properties forced multiple Muslim families to flee the state. Extremist Hindu outfits have continued their campaign to drive Muslims out of Uttarakhand.

• Senior Hindu nationalist figures, including BJP leaders, continued making inflammatory and inciteful public speeches targeting Muslims and other minorities. Some major instances reported during the period under review included:

• • Kapil Mishra (Vice-President, BJP Delhi unit) – 3^rd June, Indore (Madhya Pradesh): Perpetuating the false ‘love jihad’ narrative and inciting discrimination and hostility towards Muslims.
  • Raja Singh (former BJP legislator) – 6^th June, Adilabad (Telangana): Inciting violence against Muslims, and calling for Hindus to arm themselves.
  • Suresh Chavhanke (Editor-in-Chief, Sudarshan News) – 6^th June, Sangamner (Maharashtra): Inciting violence, hostility, and discrimination against Muslims. After Chavhanke’s speech, Muslim-owned shops were attacked by Hindu mobs.
  • Pragya Singh Thakur (BJP Member of Parliament) – 12^th June, Bhopal (Maharashtra): Recollection of her role in the illegal destruction of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya (UP) in 1992, seeking the construction of a temple at the site.
  • Ranjit Savarkar (grandson of Hindu nationalist ideologue V.D. Savarkar) – 18^th June, Panaji (Goa): Calls for boycott of trade with Muslims, and inciting discrimination and hostility.
  • Yati Narsinghanand (Head priest of Dasna Temple, UP) – 21^st June, Dasna (UP): Incitement to hostility and discrimination against Muslims.
  • Munish Bhardwaj (member of Bajrang Dal) – 29^th June, Ambala (Haryana): Inciting violence, hostility and discrimination against Muslims and Christians.
  • Raja Singh – 1^st July, Panaji (Goa): Inciting hostility and violence against Muslims.
  • Nitesh Rane (BJP legislator) – 4^th July, Malegaon (Maharashtra): Inciting violence, discrimination and hostility towards Muslims.
  • Nitesh Rane – 7^th July, Ahmednagar (Maharashtra): Inciting violence, hostility and discrimination against Muslims.

• Extremist Hindu groups continued to organise public hate rallies and marches across the country, primarily targeting Muslims. Major hate rallies were reported from Maharashtra (Pune, Satara, Sangli, Raigad, Ulwe), Goa (Panaji), Jammu (Samba), UP (Bulandshahr, Aligarh), Himachal Pradesh (Kullu, Badsar), Uttarakhand (Almora), and Madhya Pradesh (Sonkatch). Typically, these events have amplified false narratives and allegations – such as ‘love jihad’, forced conversions of Hindus, etc. – and involved slogans inciting hostility, discrimination, and violence against minorities. Apart from these, a series of anti-Muslim hate rallies were organised across northern India on 2^nd August, in the wake of the violence in Haryana on 31^st Organisers of such events are usually RSS affiliates like Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and its youth wing Bajrang Dal (BD), but have also included other extremist groups like the Hindu Janjagruti Samiti and the Hindu Raksha Dal, who have also enjoyed a free rein in states governed by the BJP.

• Extremist Hindu groups also continued to organise weapons distribution and training drives across north India, calling upon participants to prepare to ‘defend’ Hindus and Hinduism from the perceived threats posed by minorities. During the period under review, such events were reported from Gujarat (Valsad, Ahmedabad, Kutch, Surendra Nagar), UP (Bijnor, Gonda, Kanpur), Rajasthan (Fatehnagar), Madhya Pradesh (Indore), Bihar (Chhapra), Punjab (Dhuri), Haryana (Panchkula), Chhattisgarh (Mahasamund), and Delhi. Almost all of these events were organised by the VHP and the BD.

• In June, after a tragic train accident left over 200 dead in Odisha, multiple online conspiracy theories targeted One refuted theory blamed the incident on an alleged mosque (which later turned out to be a temple) near the accident site, while another falsely blamed a Muslim railway engineer of committing the error that caused the crash.

State-led efforts to target minority manifestations of faith included the issuing of ‘removal of encroachment’ notices to two mosques managed by the Waqf Board in New Delhi. The Waqf Board, which has statutory recognition, manages properties deemed by Muslim law as pious, religious or charitable.

There were also several instances of minority places of worship facing physical attacks from non-state actors:

• During the violence in Haryana, Hindu extremists burned down several mosques, including one in Nuh and another in Gurugram. A Muslim cleric was also killed during the attack in Gurugram.

• Earlier, in June, another mosque in Alwar (Rajasthan) was similarly attacked and burned down by Hindu extremists. A local BJP leader is among the 14 accused in the case. In a separate incident, alleged members of the Bajrang Dal vandalised an under-construction church in Kanpur (UP).Hindu extremists have also continued to target smaller Muslim shrines in several locations across the country, such as Rishikesh (Uttarakhand).

Other efforts by non-state actors to target manifestations of faith by minorities included:

• An ongoing legal campaign by Hindu nationalist plaintiffs to ‘reclaim’ historical mosques that they claim stand upon the sites of ancient temples, spurred by the Supreme Court’s verdict in 2019 handing over the site of the illegally demolished Babri mosque in Ayodhya (UP) to Hindu parties. A similarly disputed mosque site in Varanasi (UP) is currently being surveyed following court orders. A mosque in Jalgaon (Maharashtra) is also being similarly challenged.

• An ongoing misinformation campaign targeting halal food products, which Muslims consider permissible to eat.

• The prolonged detention of several journalists and human rights defenders without bail under draconian laws, including anti-terror provisions, has continued. Those remaining under incarceration include, among many others, Gulfisha Fatima (student-activist, since April 2020), Umar Khalid (student-activist, since September 2020), Khurram Parvez (Kashmiri HRD, since November 2021), Fahad Shah (Kashmiri journalist, since February 2022). Sajad Gul (student and journalist, since January 2022), and Irfan Mehraj (journalist, since March 2023).

• A recently-published report revealed that those detained in UP under the National Security Act (NSA) spent 314 days in custody on average before court hearings were completed. The NSA, which allows for the ‘preventive’ detention of suspects for up to a year without charge, continues to be abused particularly in BJP-governed states.

• A recent report revealed that many Kashmiri political prisoners awaiting trial while being incarcerated in other states like Haryana and Uttar Pradesh are being denied access to their families. As many as 343 persons accused in cases registered in Kashmir have been lodged in jails outside the Union Territory.

• The trend of BJP-led state governments using property demolitions as a collective punishment measure against Muslims continued. As detailed in previous sections, in the aftermath of the violence in Nuh (Haryana), the state government began mass demolitions of homes and businesses of those it accused of being involved in the violence. Over a thousand structures were reportedly razed to the ground. Victims, almost exclusively Muslims, alleged that they received neither notice nor adequate time to seek redress.

Similar state-led destruction of residential buildings was also reported from Madhya Pradesh, another BJP-governed state, where the homes of three Muslim teenagers accused of spitting on a Hindu religious procession in Ujjain city were summarily razed by local authorities. The demolitions in Ujjain were carried out amidst DJ and dhol (drums) music arranged by the authorities.

As detailed in the previous section on incitement, Muslim-owned businesses in several locations also faced attacks from non-state actors.

• In Assam, Muslim families continued to be targeted by authorities in eviction drives. During the period under review, around 3000 predominantly Muslim families were uprooted from their homes by forest authorities in Darrang district. Since its re-election in May 2019, the BJP-led state government under Chief Minister Himanta Sarma has similarly evicted tens of thousands of Bengali-speaking Muslims from their homes across Assam.

• Recent reports revealed that industries in which Muslims have historically been influential continue to be targeted both by state actors as well as non-state Hindu extremist actors, putting Muslim livelihoods in peril. For example, the leather industry in UP was reported to be crippled after being singled out as polluters, with multiple tanneries shut down by authorities. Shortly after assuming power in 2017, the BJP government in the state led by Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath had begun a similar campaign against ‘illegal’ slaughterhouses, closing down hundreds of Muslim-owned businesses. Hindu extremist groups like the Bajrang Dal continue to violently target meat shops on a regular

• A recently-published research study shed further light on the longstanding practice of denying or restricting public services to Muslims and Dalits in ghettoised localities. The study, based on data between 2011 and 2013, revealed that Muslims are systematically disadvantaged compared to other communities, and that Muslim localities are less likely to have public schools, clinics, sewerage, water supply, and closed drains. The situation is likely to have worsened in the years since.

• Another analysis of government data from 2019 to 2022 revealed that India’s Muslims have the lowest asset and consumption levels among all communities, and that they are disproportionately represented among the ranks of India’s poor.

• Restrictions on independent media: Recent developments that raise further concerns about the deteriorating circumstances for independent media in India included:

• • The shutting down of the offices and social media accounts of The Kashmir Wallah, an online news portal in Kashmir, in August. Its editor-in-chief Fahad Shah has been incarcerated on terror charges since February 2022.

• • The filing of a police complaint against Hindutva Watch, an online platform that documents anti-minority persecution. The platform’s Twitter posts are routinely subject to take-down requests by the Indian government.

• Potential restrictions on political participation: India’s Election Commission (ECI) drafted a revised delimitation plan for the state of Assam. Experts alleged that the plan may amount to gerrymandering, with the potential to change the religious demography of electoral constituencies to the disadvantage of Muslims. A similar delimitation process was completed in Kashmir in 2022, also to the potential disadvantage of Muslim voters.

Following the circulation of a viral video on social media showing members of an indigenous community consuming beef, which is part of their traditional practice, the nation has witnessed a growing wave of unrest. This upheaval has affected Christians as well, resulting in a surge of church vandalism incidents nationwide. The most recent incident occurred on September 5, 2023, when two churches in the Nawalparasi District of Lumbini Province were attacked.

Despite legislative measures, Dalits continue to be marginalised in society, highlighting inadequate transformation of societal values.  A group of some 30 people vandalised the house of a Dalit family in Bajhang district, in the Sudurpaschim province of far-western Nepal. The act of vandalism was motivated by the fact that the Dalit family had built their home near a settlement inhabited by ‘upper-caste’ individuals.  In a case of social boycott, 10 Dalit households in Ghiring rural municipality, in Gandaki province, experienced ostracism initiated by non-Dalit community members.  The incident began when a member of the Dalit community, who had been discriminated against by a non-Dalit threatened legal action. Subsequently, locals mediated an agreement aimed at reconciliation between the two. However, after the agreement was formalised, the Dalit households were then completely shunned by the rest of the community, which the victims termed an act of revenge. Discrimination against Dalits extends to even those in positions of power. A Dalit ward member of the Baijanath rural municipality, in Lumbini province, was subjected to verbal and physical abuse.

Access to economic rights for Dalits continues to be precarious. In Dang, a landowner evicted Dalit tenants, claiming he had become ill since leasing his property to them. Similar incidents of non-Dalits refusing to sell milk and provide tenancy to Dalits were reported in Doti.

In a news report, the dilapidated condition of community schools in a Dalit community in Kaski district of Gandaki province was revealed, evidencing how Dalit children receive substandard education and are thus unable to compete with children from more privileged backgrounds.

Similarly, women from the Musahar community, a Dalit population residing in central and eastern Tarai in southern Nepal, continue to face inequalities in accessing reproductive health services. They have developed reproductive health issues due to early marriage and adolescent pregnancy but are unable to seek medical assistance due to a lack of funds, inadequate facilities and the absence of female medical personnel at the local health centre.

A lawyer made a derogatory remark against certain minority groups in a television interview; she stated that marriage between brothers and sisters is permitted in the Tamang, Magar and Muslim communities. Historically, the Khas Aryas justified their consecrated position in society through ritual purity, representing indigenous communities and other groups as impure and, as such, deeming their lower status in society karmic justice. Such remarks showcase how the false representation of indigenous communities by members of the dominant majority remains persistent. She was arrested for her remark after a complaint was lodged against her and following protests from indigenous associations. The case is now under consideration at the Kathmandu District Court.

Political representation of Dalits
The representation of Dalits in the parliament has failed to transcend mere symbolism; multiple parliamentarians from the Dalit community have expressed dissatisfaction at the lack of deliberation on issues raised by them, both in the parliament and at the party level. They have claimed that other parliamentarians and party leaders have accused them of parochialism when raising Dalit issues.

Marriage rights for LGBTQIA+ community

Although the Supreme Court issued an interim order in June 2023 to ensure registration of marriages between members of the LGBTQIA+ community, its implementation has been sluggish. A couple, who have attempted to register their marriage for the last six years, was denied registration, with neither the Kathmandu District Court nor the Patan High Court honouring the Supreme Court’s orders. The Kathmandu District Court noted that the law allowed for the registration of marriage between a man and a woman only.

Influence of Hindu nationalist groups

• In response to the concerns of potential ethnic and religious unrest within the city, triggered by a rally planned by Hindu religious groups in Dharan over a social media campaign advocating for cow slaughter, the Sunsari District Administration Office implemented a 24-hour prohibitory order, effective August, 25, 2023. In the wake of the order, members of various Hindu organisations were denied entry into Dharan. Faced with opposition from law enforcement, protesters gathered in a nearby town, chanting against cow slaughter and demanding penalties for offenders.

• The Nepal Janata Party (NJP), influenced by the ideology of ‘integral Hinduism’ from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has been promoting Hindu-related activities with the aim of achieving substantial success in the 2027 elections by emphasising Hindu-based agendas. Several media outlets from India, including mainstream ones, declared the NJP a new force in Nepali politics that will restore Nepal’s identity as a Hindu state, despite its absolute obscurity in Nepal itself.

• In August, Acharya Dhirendra Shastri, popularly known as Baba Bageshwor, visited Nepal, igniting civil society outrage due to his controversial views on women and marginalised communities. His statements during the visit, in which he said that Nepal should be a Hindu state and claimed that Nepal had been a part of India, exacerbated the situation. Initially, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal was slated to meet him, but cancelled amid backlash. However, Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha did meet the controversial figure.

Other, positive developments

• Muslims and Hindus celebrated Muharram, the first month of the Islamic calendar, together in Bideha municipality in Madhesh province, making it an emblem of religious harmony and tolerance in the country. The participation of Hindus in the Tazia festival, a reenactment of the death of Hussein (prophet Muhammad’s grandson), performed during Muharram, meant there was added zeal to the celebration, as reported by Muslim members of the community.

• Sarswati Nepali, the President of the Dalit Society Development Forum, was recognised by the US Department of State as a 2023 Global Anti-Racism Champion (GARC). She has been advocating for Dalit and minority rights for over 20 years.

• On 28^th May, Natasha Edirisooriya, a stand-up comedian, was arrested for a comedy performance that allegedly defamed and insulted Buddhism. The arrests sparked criticism from civil society and were seen by many as an attack on democratic rights and an attempt to divert public anger from the government’s austerity policies. The duo was eventually released on bail – in Edirisooriya’s case, over a month later.

• On 6^th June, Gajendra Ponnampalam, a Member of Parliament (MP) from the Tamil National People’s Front (TNFP), a political alliance that represents the ethnic Tamil minority, was arrested after being accused of obstructing police officers on duty. Ponnampalam’s arrest drew attention to the systemic discrimination minorities have faced in Sri Lanka.

On 29^th June, a mass grave was discovered in the Mullaitivu Kokkuthoduvai area, igniting concerns and unease within the Tamil community amid suspicion that the remains may be of female cadres of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The new mass grave is one of around 32 that have been identified across the country over the past 30 years. Family members of suspected victims of enforced disappearance organised protests and observances in multiple districts. A local court has allowed international organisations to observe the exhumation of the mass grave site, which began in early September.

The discovery of the new site came on the heels of a damning report by a civil society coalition detailing Sri Lanka’s troubling history of mass graves, and the lack of accountability for them.

• Pastor Jerome Fernando, a self-styled ‘prophet’, filed a Fundamental Rights (FR) petition before the Supreme Court, seeking an order preventing his arrest by the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) upon his return to the country. Fernando had raised the ire of many Buddhists with his allegedly derogatory remarks about the Buddha in a video of a sermon that had gone viral on social media, prompting Sri Lanka’s President to order a CID probe. Fernando had also allegedly insulted Islam and Hinduism in the same sermon. The controversy around Fernando is seen by some as a reactivation of Sri Lanka’s blasphemy-related legal provisions. The Ministry of Buddhasasana, Religious, and Cultural Affairs, the cabinet ministry responsible for oversight of Sri Lanka’s de facto state religion, has announced that it is in the process of drawing up a new legislation to deal with ‘threats posed to religious unity.’ While the contours of the law remain unknown so far, the Minister has warned: ‘Due to the prioritisation of money, some people are even tempted to condemn other religions under the pretence of religious freedom. No one has the right to oppress any religion or endanger religious harmony under the guise of religious freedom. We seek to implement a new legal structure that will allow us to take legal action in this regard.’

• Ali Sabry, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister, acknowledged that the previous government’s decision to prohibit burials for Muslim victims of COVID-19 had caused pain to Sri Lanka’s Muslim community and affected its ties with the Middle East. The Sri Lankan government’s decision had been criticised by the UNHRC and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Rauff Hakem, an opposition Parliamentarian and leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, called for officials who had advised the previous government to be prosecuted for hateful conduct.

• The Ministry of Buddhasana, Religious, and Cultural Affairs announced that it would conduct a census of the assets and properties belong to all religious denominations, including Buddhist temples. Many senior Buddhist monks supported the move, but warned the government to refrain from interfering in their administration.

Intersection of religion and gender – struggle for the rights of Muslim women

The review process of the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (MMDA) Amendment Bill encountered a significant roadblock as Muslim MPs found themselves at odds over the inclusion of female quazis (Islamic judge). Some MPs opposed appointing female quazis, while others advocated for gender-neutral qualifications, highlighting a critical debate on gender equality and the interpretation of Islamic law within the Bill’s context. Civil society members condemned the attempts to derail the reform.

The MMDA in its current form is criticised for being disproportionately male-biased, and was passed in 1951 by a legislature dominated by men.

Minorities, the military, land, archaeology, and religion

In June, President Wickremesinghe appointed a committee to investigate land ownership claims concerning two Buddhist temples – Kurundi Vihara in Mullathivu and Thiriyaya Vihara in Trincomalee. These temples purportedly possessed large tracts of land, raising question about historical land distribution compared to the well-established Mahavira, a central Buddhist institution in Sri Lanka.

The President also ordered the cessation of land acquisitions and the construction of new Buddhist shrines in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. These directives aimed to address disputes over land ownership, particularly near Kurundi Vihara, where resettled farmers faced challenges from the Archaeology Department.

These land disputes have generated inter-communal tensions. In August, the Eastern Province Governor suspended the construction of a Buddhist temple on state-owned land within a Tamil village to prevent potential communal conflicts.

The entry of Tamil National People’s Front (TNFP) leader Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam into the Kurundi temple added to the unrest. Furthermore, controversial statements by former Minister Mervyn Silva raised further worries about inter-community discord.

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) expressed alarm over the turmoil in Trincomalee, cautioning that persistent tensions could imperil foreign investments in the region. TNA leader R Sampanthan stressed the need to preserve the social environment while maintaining Buddhist monuments at the site.

Struggles of Malaiyaha Tamils

In August, President Wickremesinghe agreed to establish a Presidential Task Force to address the challenges faced by Sri Lanka’s plantation communities, and to use an Indian grant of Rs. 3 billion (around $ 9.3 million) towards bettering their livelihood.

Opposition alliance proposes LGBTQI reforms

A committee appointed by the opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) alliance proposed reforms to decriminalise the LGBTQI community, handing over the proposed policy document to the Leader of Opposition. In May, a Supreme Court (SC) Special Directive (SD) had cleared the way for potential decriminalisation in the future.